AF

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza : La Conversazione – I Verbali: AF

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Afranio – Ossia: Grice ed Afranio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Afranio. The Afranii were a family at Rome. The first member of this gens to achieve prominence was Gaius A. Stellio, praetor. “A.” belongs to a class of gentilicia derived from surnames ending in -anus, typically derived from place names. The A. may have been of Picentine origin. Lucius A., who held the consulship, was from Picenum, and a Titus A. or Afrenio is one of the leaders of the allies during the Social War. The main praenomina used by the A. are Lucius, Publius, Gaius, Gnaeus and Sextus. There are also several occurrences of Marcus and Quintus, while other praenomina occur infrequently, with individual instances of Aulus, Spurius, and Titus. The only cognomen of the A. in the time of the Republic is Stellio, referring to a spotted newt or lizard, perhaps with the implication that the bearer is crafty. Other surnames are found under the Empire.This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Afranius Stellio, praetor in 185 BC, and triumvir for founding a colony in 183.[6][7] Gaius Afranius C. f. Stellio, served in the war against Perseus, and was taken captive at the surrender of the Roman garrison at Uscana, 169 BC.[8] Lucius Afranius, a comic poet, who lived at the beginning of the first century BC.[9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18] Titus Afranius, one of the leaders of the Italian confederates in the Social War.[19][20] Lucius Afranius A. f., legate of Gnaeus Pompeius, and consul in 60 BC.[21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30][31][32] Spurius Afranius, appears on coins.[33] Marcus Afranius, appears on coins.[33] Gaia Afrania, wife of the senator Licinius Buccio.[34][35] Lucius Afranius L. l. Buccio, a freedman named in an inscription from Rome.[36] Lucius Afranius L. f. A. n., negotiated with Caesar in Hispania for his life and that of his father.[37] Publius Afranius Potitus, having vowed to sacrifice himself in order to bring about the recovery of Caligula from an illness, was cruelly put to death by the emperor to fulfill the promise.[38][39] Sextus Afranius Burrus, a general in the time of Claudius, who served as tutor and advisor to the emperor Nero. When he refused to assist Nero in ridding himself of his mother, and then his wife, the emperor had Burrus poisoned, in AD 62.[40][41][42] Afranius Quintianus, a senator, was compelled to commit suicide as a result of his part in Piso's conspiracy against Nero in AD 65.[43] Sextus Afranius Prifernas, named in a funerary inscription from Rome, dating to AD 70.[44] Gnaeus Afranius Dexter, a friend of the epigrammatist Marcus Valerius Martialis, was consul suffectus from the Kalends of May in AD 105. He was murdered in early July.[45][46][47] Publius Afranius Apthorus, named in a list of donors at Veleia dating to the reign of Trajan.[48] Afranius Priscus, named in a list of donors at Veleia in the reign of Trajan.[48] Afrania Musa, named in a list of donors at Veleia in the reign of Trajan.[48] Publius Afranius Flavianus, consul in AD 117.[47] Gnaeus Afranius, the grandfather of Gnaeus Afranius Priscus Sabinianus.[49] Gnaeus Afranius Sabinus, the father of Gnaeus Afranius Priscus Sabinianus.[49] Gnaeus Afranius Cn. f. Cn. f. Priscus Sabinianus, buried at Aesernia in Samnium, during the second century AD.[49] Lucius Afranius L. f. Sedatus, a native of Sutrium, was a soldier in the praetorian guard in AD 197.[50] Gaius Afranius Victor, one of the vigiles in the time of Septimius Severus.[51] Marcus Afranius Hannibal, tribune of a cohort in the thirtieth legion in Pannonia, some time in the late third century.[52] Afranius Hannibalianus, a senator and military officer, consul in AD 292. Eutropia, possibly the sister of Afranius Hannibalianus. Afranius Syagrius, consul in AD 382. Imperial Afranii of uncertain date Afrania L. l., daughter of Urania, a freedwoman, buried at Narbo, aged eleven.[53] Gnaeus Afranius, the father of Gnaeus Afranius Bromius.[54] Lucius Afranius, named in an inscription from Begastrum in Hispania Citerior.[55] Publius Afranius, the former master of Publius Afranius Hermes and Afrania Romana.[56] Publius Afranius, the father of Publius Afranius Secundus.[57] Quintus Afranius, named in an inscription from Rome.[58] Quintus Afranius, the former master of Quintus Afranius Cresimus.[59] Gaius Afranius Apollinaris, a soldier in the praetorian guard.[60] Gnaeus Afranius Cn. f. Bromius, the husband of Numisia Marcella, buried at Aufidenia in Samnium.[54] Lucius Afranius Cerealis, the former master of Lucius Afranius Eros and Afrania Procilla.[53] Lucius Afranius Clementianus, buried at Thugga in Africa Proconsularis.[61] Lucius Afranius Corinthus, named in a funerary inscription from Brundisium.[62] Quintus Afranius Q. l. Cresimus, named in an inscription from Rome.[59] Lucius Afranius L. l. Eros, a freedman, and the husband of Afrania Procilla, was one of the Sodales Augustales at Tarraco in Hispania Tarraconensis.[53] Marcus Afranius Euporius, one of the Sodales at Olisipo.[63] Sextus Afranius Firmus, named in a libationary inscription from Carnuntum in Pannonia Superior.[64] Lucius Afranius Fortunatianus, buried at Thugga, aged seventeen.[65] Gnaeus Afranius Hermes, buried at Portus.[66] Publius Afranius P. l. Hermes, the husband of Afrania Romana, was a freedman buried at Rome.[56] Afrania Hermione, named in an inscription from Rome.[67] Afrania Hilara, buried at Carnuntum, aged twenty-five.[68] Quintus Afranius Ingenuus, buried at Thuburnica in Africa Proconsularis, aged eighty-five.[69] Lucius Afranius Ipocrates, freedman of Galliopa, buried at Belianes in Hispania Citerior, aged thirty-six.[70] Sextus Afranius S. f. Lautus, son of Afrania Prote, buried at Rome, aged ten years, nine months, and four days.[71] Publius Afranius Major, a soldier in the fifteenth legion, named in a funerary inscription from Carnuntum.[68] Lucius Afranius Maritimus, husband of Julia Severa and father of Lucius Afranius Severus.[72] Sextus Afranius Optatus, named in a funerary inscription from Rome.[73] Sextus Afranius Philetus, buried at Tarquinii, aged fifty-six.[74] Gaius Afranius Plocamus, named in an inscription from Rome.[67] Afrania L. l. Procilla, a freedwoman, and the wife of Lucius Afranius Eros.[53] Afrania Prote, mother of Sextus Afranius Lautus.[71] Afrania P. l. Romana, wife of Publius Afranius Hermes, was a freedwoman buried at Rome, aged twenty-two years, seven months.[56] Publius Afranius P. f. Secundus, a native of Hadrumetum, was buried at Lambaesis in Numidia, aged seventeen years, twenty-eight days.[57] Sextus Afranius Serenus, named in a funerary inscription from Rome.[75] Lucius Afranius Successus, buried at Thugga, aged forty-seven.[76] Lucius Afranius L. f. Severus, son of Lucius Afranius Maritimus and Julia Severa, buried at Albintimilium in Liguria, aged fourteen.[72] Lucius Afranius Victor, a veteran of the third legion, buried at the present site of Mechta Tafsa, formerly part of Mauretania Caesariensis.[77] Publius Afranius Victor, husband of Claudia Ingenua, a centurion buried at Matrica in Pannonia Inferior, aged fifty.[78] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 55 ("Afrania Gens").  Chase, p. 118.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 55 ("Titus Afranius or Titus Afrenius", No. 8).  Chase, pp. 112, 113.  New College Latin & English Dictionary, s. v. stellio.  Livy, xxxix. 23, 25.  Broughton, vol. I, pp. 372, 380.  Livy, xliii. 18, 19.  Quintilian, x. 1. § 100.  Horace, Epistulae, ii. 1. 57.  Macrobius, vi. 1.  Cicero, De Finibus, i. 3, Brutus, 45.  Velleius Paterculus, i. 17, ii. 19.  Gellius, xiii. 8.  Suetonius, "The Life of Nero", 11.  Ausonius, Epigrammata, 71.  Bothe, Poëtae Scenici Latinorum.  Neukirch, De Fabula Togata.  Appian, Bellum Civile, i. 40, 47.  Florus, iii. 18.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, i. 16, 18, 20, Philippicae, xiii. 14.  Plutarch, "The Life of Sertorius", 19, "The Life of Pompeius", 34, 36, 39, 65, 66, "The Life of Caesar", 36.  Cassius Dio, xxxvii. 49, xli. 20–23, 52, xlii. 10, xliii. 12.  Velleius Paterculus, ii. 48, 52.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, i. 38–86.  Appian, Bellum Civile, ii. 42, 43, 65, 76.  Hirtius, De Bello Africo, 95.  Suetonius, "The Life of Caesar", 75.  Florus, iv. 2. § 90.  Livy, Epitome, 114.  Aurelius Victor, De Viris Illustribus, 78.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 99, 119, 121 (note 4), 182, 183, 220, 252, 266.  Eckhel, vol. v, p. 132 ff.  Valerius Maximus, viii. 3. § 1.  Digesta, 3. tit. 1. s. 1. § 5.  CIL VI, 11199.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, i. 74, 84.  Cassius Dio, lix. 8.  Suetonius, "The Life of Caligula", 27.  Tacitus, Annales, xii. 42, 69, xiii. 2, 30, ff, xiv. 7, 51, 52.  Cassius Dio, lii. 13.  Suetonius, "The Life of Nero", 35.  Tacitus, Annales, xv. 49, 56, 70.  CIL VI, 200.  Pliny the Younger, Epistulae, v. 14.  Martial, Epigrammata, vii. 27.  Fasti Ostienses, CIL XIV, 244, 245, 4531–4546, 5354, 5355.  CIL XI, 1147.  CIL IX, 2697.  CIL VI, 2384.  CIL VI, 1057.  AE 2011, 990.  CIL XII, 4377.  CIL IX, 2816.  AE 1995, 953b.  CIL VI, 11212.  CIL VIII, 18359.  CIL VI, 8218.  CIL VI, 34328.  CIL VI, 2906.  MAD, 52.  CIL IX, 6121.  CIL II, 175.  CIL III, 4398.  CIL VIII, 26697.  CIL XIV, 546.  CIL VI, 11210.  CIL III, 13480.  BCTH, 1915–216.  AE 1972, 318.  CIL VI, 11206.  Pais, Supplementa Italica, 986.  CIL VI, 34330.  CIL XI, 3397.  CIL VI, 19003.  CIL VIII, 26699.  ILAlg, 02-03, 08336a.  AE 1982, 812. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Brutus, De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, Epistulae ad Atticum, Philippicae. Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Civili (Commentaries on the Civil War). Aulus Hirtius (attributed), De Bello Africo (On the African War). Quintus Horatius Flaccus (Horace), Epistulae. Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History. Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium (Memorable Facts and Sayings). Marcus Valerius Martialis (Martial), Epigrammata (Epigrams). Marcus Fabius Quintilianus (Quintilian), Institutio Oratoria (Institutes of Oratory). Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny the Younger), Epistulae (Letters). Plutarchus, Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, De Vita Caesarum (Lives of the Caesars, or The Twelve Caesars). Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum Omnium Annorum DCC (Epitome of Livy: All the Wars of Seven Hundred Years). Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae (Attic Nights). Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus (Cassius Dio), Roman History. Sextus Aurelius Victor, De Viris Illustribus (On Famous Men). Decimius Magnus Ausonius, Epigrammata de Diversis Rebus (Epigrams about Various Things). Ambrosius Theodosius Macrobius, Saturnalia. Digesta, or Pandectae (The Digest). Joseph Hilarius Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum Veterum (The Study of Ancient Coins, 1792–1798). Friedrich Heinrich Bothe, Poëtae Scenici Latinorum Fragmenta (Fragments of the Latin Theatrical Poets), Heinrich Vogler, Halberstadt (1822). Johann Heinrich Neukirch, De Fabula Togata Romanorum (The Fabula Togata of the Romans), Weidmann, Leipzig (1833). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Ettore Pais, Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementa Italica (Italian Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum), Rome (1884). Bulletin Archéologique du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques (Archaeological Bulletin of the Committee on Historic and Scientific Works, abbreviated BCTH), Imprimerie Nationale, Paris (1885–1973). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII (1897). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria, abbreviated ILAlg), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952). John C. Traupman, The New College Latin & English Dictionary, Bantam Books, New York (1995). M. Khanoussi, L. Maurin, Mourir à Dougga: Receuil des inscriptions funéraires (Dying in Dougga: a Compendium of Funerary Inscriptions, abbreviated MAD), Bordeaux, Tunis (2002). Categories: AfraniiRoman gentes And what Afrani fits in your opinion the Grice/Speranza angle best? Input? Feedback? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Afranio – Ossia: Grice ed Afranio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Afranio. Grice ed Afranio Among the Afranii, the one that fits best — almost uniquely well — into the Grice/Speranza “conversational dyad” model is: Lucius Afranius (the comic poet)  I. Why this Afranius? From your list, most Afranii fall into three categories:  military/political figures (Pompeian general, conspirators, etc.) epigraphic shadows (inscriptions, freedmen, donors) victims of imperial suspicion (Burrus, Quintianus, etc.)  Only one stands out structurally for a Gricean reconstruction:  Lucius Afranius — fabula togata (Roman comedy)   1. What defines him  Early 1st c. BC comic playwright Writes fabula togata (Roman domestic comedy, not Greek pallium) Mentioned by Cicero, Horace, Quintilian  So:  He lives exactly at the intersection of speech, social roles, and everyday conversational implicature   2. Why he is perfect for Grice/Speranza Because comedy (especially togata) depends on:  saying less than is meant social inference misunderstanding, irony, insinuation public vs private meaning  In short:  Afranius stages implicature in action.   II. Why not the others? Let’s briefly eliminate alternatives in your list:  Lucius Afranius (Pompeian general)  strategic, not conversational historical narrative, not dialogic texture   Sextus Afranius Burrus  moral-political drama, but not dialogic evidence   Titus Afranius (Social War leader)  military, not rhetorical  Gens Stellio (crafty lizard-type)  tempting symbolically, but too thin textually   III. What makes Afranius (comic poet) distinctively Roman Here is the deeper Speranzian point: Greek comedy:  stylized often mythological or abstracted social roles  Afranius:  Roman setting Roman family structure Roman legal/moral codes  So:  Afranius stages Roman conversational life itself   IV. Mini Grice/Speranza reconstruction Let’s imagine a typical Afranian exchange:  Scene: urban household A: “Non dixi illum adesse.” Translation: “I did not say that he was present.” Implicature: You are expected to infer that he might be present.  B: “Sed ita locutus es ut crederem.” Translation: “But you spoke in a way that made me believe it.” Implicature: Your meaning exceeded your words.  A: “Non quid dixerim, sed quid voluerim specta.” Translation: “Look not at what I said, but at what I intended.” Implicature: Speaker tries to reclaim control over meaning.  B: “Voluntas tua obscurior fuit quam verba.” Translation: “Your intention was more obscure than your words.” Implicature: Classic Gricean breakdown: intention not recoverable → conversational failure.  V. Gricean reading Afranius dramatizes: The core Grice problem  Speaker intention vs hearer uptake  The core Roman twist  Social expectations structure understanding  So:  Meaning is not only cognitive — it is socially regulated   VI. The name “Afranius” in Speranzian terms Already interesting:  derived from Afer (African origin) suggests outsider-insider tension  So the poet Afranius:  is already marked as someone who sees Roman conversation slightly from outside  which is exactly what a comic observer needs.  VII. Final verdict If Speranza were forced to choose:  Afranius comoedus (Lucius Afranius) is the Afranius of implicature.  Because:  he produces dialogue he stages misunderstanding he relies on unsaid meaning he belongs to Roman social speech, not abstract theory   Dry Speranzian close  The soldier Afranius may command armies, and the senator Afranius may advise emperors, but only the comedian Afranius shows how Romans actually understood one another — and how often they did not.   If you want, we can now align Afranius directly with Terence to show how Roman comedy becomes a laboratory of Gricean implicature. And do we have titles for his fabulae togatae -- how come favela got to mean 'lingua' or sermo, almost whereas the use in 'fabula' is narrow? Is the implicature behind 'afranio' testified -- as 'from Africa' because in Scipio it means 'Africa conqueror'? Input? Feedback? Thanks -- you mention some great names that give credit of Afranio and good credit for that -- can you go to the testimonies of his 'fabulae' togatae one by one? This is a very rich cluster of questions — and they actually fall into three neat but interlocking strands:  Afranius: titles and testimonia of the fabulae togatae “fabula” → “favola / fala” etc. (broad → narrow meaning) “Afranius” and the implicature of “Africa”  Let me take them in order, but with the Speranza/Grice thread running through.  I. Afranius’ fabulae togatae: titles and what they reveal We are in relatively good shape here. Although no complete play survives, we do have:  ~40+ titles preserved ~400 lines of fragments [oxfordre.com]  Here is a clean thematic grouping (rather than a mere list — more Speranzian).  1. Domestic / kinship titles These are the most Roman and most “conversational”:  Consobrini (“Cousins”) Fratriae (“Sisters-in-law”) Matertertae (“Maternal aunts”) Privignus (“Stepson”) Mariti (“Husbands”) [en.wikipedia.org]  These clearly stage:  family inference hidden intentions social implicature  This is pure Gricean everyday life.  2. Legal / transactional titles  Crimen (“Charge”) Depositum (“Deposit”) Deditio (“Surrender”) Divortium (“Divorce”) Repudiatus (“Divorced man”) [en.wikipedia.org]   These are almost lexicalised disputationes:  who means what by “just” conflicting claims legal language in social use  Exactly your Carneadean/Roman junction.  3. Social roles / professions  Augur Cinerarius (hairdresser/cosmetic worker) Libertus (freedman) Promus (steward) [en.wikipedia.org]   These are role-based conversational frames:  meaning shifts with status speech is not neutral but socially indexed   4. Situational / event titles  Auctio (auction) Compitalia (festival) Megalensia (festival) Omen Incendium (fire) [en.wikipedia.org]  These are occasions of intensified implicature:  public speech rumor interpretation   5. Psychological / ethical types  Prodigus (spendthrift) Inimici (enemies) Simulans (the pretender) Temerarius (rash man) [en.wikipedia.org]   These are almost personified implicatures:  the man is what he implies   II. Testimonial judgment (ancients) Quintilian says:  “Togatis excellit Afranius” (“Afranius excels in the togata”) [en.wikipedia.org]  But adds reproach about morum confessio.  Meaning:  highly praised linguistic realism suspected moral exposure through dialogue   Speranzian synthesis  Afranius does not philosophise about implicature — he stages it.   II. “Fabula”: why it expands and contracts This is a beautiful linguistic observation. 1. Original Latin sense fabula =  speech conversation narrative play (drama) [en.wiktionary.org]   Origin:  from fari = “to speak” [en.wiktionary.org]  So originally:  fabula = anything said in a socially intelligible way   2. Later Romance developments Two divergent paths: (A) Broad survival  Spanish habla (“speech”) Portuguese fala (“speech”) [en.wiktionary.org]   retains conversational base  (B) Narrow literary sense  Italian favola French fable   narrowed to:  tale, story, fiction   Why the divergence? Because:  everyday speech shifted to parlare “fabula” became marked → literary  So:  Latin breadth → Romance specialization   Speranzian gloss  The Romans used fabula for speaking; we use “fable” for what is no longer taken seriously as speaking.   III. “Afranius”: does it mean “from Africa”? Very important distinction. 1. Linguistically The name:  Afranius = from -anus suffix → typically indicates association or origin [en.wikipedia.org]  BUT:  Afranii are likely Picentine, not African [en.wikipedia.org]   2. So unlike “Scipio Africanus”? Yes — crucial difference:  NameTypeAfricanusvictory title (“conqueror of Africa”)Afraniusgentilicium (possibly locative/derivative, not honorific)  3. So is there an implicature? Weak, but interesting:  “Afranius” might originally suggest connection to Africa but in Roman use:  becomes just a family name    So the implicature is:  historically motivated → synchronically neutral   Speranzian version  Afranius may once have meant “the African man”; by the time of the poet, it means simply “him who speaks like that”.   IV. Final synthesis You can now put it all together: 1. Afranius’ plays → laboratories of Roman conversational meaning → implicature in domestic, legal, and social settings 2. “Fabula” → originally “speech” → later “story” because speech loses immediacy 3. “Afranius” → not really African by Cicero’s time → but a name that once carried, then lost, implicature  Final Grice–Speranza closure  Afranius writes fabulae in the original sense — things spoken; posterity reads them as “fables,” things distanced; and his own name, once perhaps pointing outward to Africa, comes to point only to the delicate Roman art of meaning more than one says.   If you like, we can now take one specific title (Divortium or Crimen) and reconstruct a full Afranian scene of implicature in action. And do we have attestation for the 'african' thing -- because the wiki for the gens reads: A.” belongs to a class of gentilicia derived from surnames ending in -anus, typically derived from place names. The A. may have been of Picentine origin. Lucius A., who held the consulship, was from Picenum, and a Titus A. or Afrenio is one of the leaders of the allies during the Social War. -- and perhaps the most Griceian is his 'Simulans' -- so we can have a reconstructed passage. Because when dealing with evolution of meaning, Grice allows that a groan becomes 'simulated' when ceasing to be 'natural' to become 'non-natural' symptom -- meant to communicate. You mention 'favolare' but isn't 'favela' also used in Italian as in 'la favela italiana'? Input? Feedback? Thanks -- Is Quintiliano the best of his commentators? Thanks You are shaping three very fine lines of thought here, and they do connect: (1) Afranius and “Africa”, (2) Simulans and Grice’s natural/non‑natural meaning, (3) fabula → favola / fala vs “favela”, and (4) the authority of Quintilian. Let me take them in order, tightening where necessary.  I. “Afranius” and “Africa”: do we really have attestation? You are right to be cautious. What we can say securely  Afranius belongs to the class of gentilicia in ‑anus, often derived from place names. Scholars say the Afranii are probably of Picentine origin, not African.  So:  There is no direct historical attestation that Afranius = “from Africa” in the way that Africanus clearly is.   The crucial distinction you already sensed                  FormMeaning typeAfricanushonorific: “conqueror of Africa”Afraniusgentilicium (possibly from place, but fossilized) So:  Africanus = transparent implicature Afranius = historically opaque name   Speranzian refinement  Afranius is a perfect case of dead implicature: once meaningful, later merely nominal.  That is quite Gricean:  original meaning → communicative later → no longer meant, just used   II. Afranius Simulans: the Gricean jewel Your instinct here is exactly right: Simulans is probably the most Gricean of all Afranian titles.  Why? Because “simulare” marks precisely the transition:                  TypeGricegroan (natural)non-meaningsimulated groannon-natural meaning  Reconstructed passage (Latin) Scene from Simulans A: “Gemis? an simulas dolorem?” Translation: “Are you groaning? or simulating pain?” Implicature: Distinction between natural sign and communicative act.  B: “Simulo, ut intellegas quid velim.” Translation: “I simulate, so that you may understand what I want.” Implicature: Non-natural meaning explicitly acknowledged.  A: “Tum non gemitus, sed causa gemitus loquitur.” Translation: “Then it is not the groan, but the purpose of the groan that speaks.” Implicature: Meaning lies in intention, not signal.  B: “Quod natura facit, significat; quod ego facio, significare volo.” Translation: “What nature does, signifies; what I do, I mean to signify.” Implicature: Near-perfect Grice distinction:  natural signification vs intending-to-mean   Speranzian gloss  The simulans turns noise into language.   III. “Fabula,” “favola,” and “favela” Now your linguistic instinct needs refinement. 1. Latin → Romance From fabula:  Italian favola (story) Spanish/Portuguese fala (speech) Old Spanish fabla (speech)  So:  The original root splits into “speech” and “story”.   2. But “favela”? Here we must be precise:  Portuguese favela (slum) comes from:  a plant name (favela) then a place-name in Brazil    So:  “Favela” is not derived from fabula.  It is a false cousin, not a descendant.  So your intuition needs one correction: ✔ favola / fala → from fabula ✘ favela → independent development  IV. Is Quintilian the best commentator on Afranius? Yes — with a qualification. Why Quintilian matters most He gives:  the famous judgment:  “Togatis excellit Afranius”   a stylistic assessment moral critique  So he is:  the main ancient evaluator of Afranius’ style   But he is not alone Other testimonies:  Cicero → praises language Horace → places him in literary tradition Gellius, Macrobius → preserve fragments  So:  Quintilian = best critic Cicero = best linguistic witness   V. Final synthesis You now have a very elegant cluster: 1. Afranius  name: originally meaningful, now opaque comedy: laboratory of conversational meaning  2. Simulans  perfect dramatization of:  natural → non-natural meaning signal → intention    3. Fabula  originally “speech” becomes “story” but not “favela”   Final Speranzian close  Afranius writes a play called Simulans, and thereby shows that a groan ceases to be mere noise the moment it is meant; his own name, once perhaps saying “African,” no longer says anything at all — which is precisely why his characters must now say more than they mean.   If you like, we can reconstruct a second fragment from Divortium or Crimen where implicature fails rather than succeeds — the darker side of Afranius. Dizionario etimologico has 'favella': does this below help? RICERCA      favagello favaggine favalena favella favellare favilla favo  Favella  can you retrieve the definition from the online source? Thanks Yes — and the material you’ve brought in from the Dizionario etimologico is very helpful, because “favella” is actually the missing bridge between your Latin fabula and the broader “speech / lingua” sense you were after. Let me extract the definition cleanly and then connect it to your Grice/Speranza line.  I. Definition of favella (Treccani + etymological source) From Treccani (concise and reliable):  favèlla  La facoltà di parlare, il dono della parola L’atto del parlare, il discorso (letter.) lingua, idioma [treccani.it]   From the etymological dictionary (Bonomi):  favella ← lat. fabella (diminutive of fabula) ← fabula = “discorso” ← from fari = “parlare” [etimo.it]  Also confirmed elsewhere:  favella = parola, discorso, lingua; dal lat. fabella ‘piccolo racconto’. [unaparolaalgiorno.it]   II. What this shows (your key insight confirmed) You were right to suspect a widening: Latin  fabula =  discourse narrative dramatic piece    Italian development  favella =  speech faculty language itself discourse     So:  favella preserves the older, broader “speaking” sense of fabula better than favola does.   III. Contrast: favella vs favola                      FormMeaning driftfabspeech + narrativefavellaspeech, languagefavolastory, tale So:  Italian splits the Latin concept into two paths:   favella → speaking favola → story   IV. Why this matters for Afranius Now your Afranian insight becomes very sharp: Afranius writes:  fabulae togatae  But if we read with later Italian in mind:  These are not “stories” (favole), but acts of speaking (favella in action).  So:  Afranius is closer to favella than to favola.  That is a perfect Speranzian correction.  V. Gricean connection (this is the strong point) Grice distinguishes:  natural signs non-natural meaning (utterances)  And what is that utterance-space?  Exactly what Italian still calls favella.  So:  groan → natural simulans groan → enters favella  Thus:  favella = the domain of meaning something by uttering something   VI. Returning to Simulans Your reconstruction now becomes even clearer:  the move from:  gemitus (groan) to simulatus gemitus    is exactly:  transition from noise → favella   VII. Final Speranzian formulation  Latin fabula contained both story and speech; Italian split them, leaving favola to fiction and favella to voice — and Afranius, if read correctly, belongs to the latter, since his plays are not tales to be told but speech-events in which meaning is always more than what is said.   VIII. Very short Gricean close  An implicature belongs not to the favola, but to the favella.   If you want, we can now reconstruct a short Afranian scene explicitly using favella to contrast natural vs simulated expression in a semi-Italianized Latin setting. And when wiki says 'Piacentine' origin, what do they mean -- shouldn't they provide the TOPONYM in Piacenza (comune? regione? provincia?) for that, so that it makes sense that the -anus ending indicates origin? Input? Feedback? Thanks -- other sources you may consult about this alleged Piacentine origin? isn't Piacenza too far from Rome to count? This is an excellent question, because it touches exactly the sort of false-friend/false-toponym confusion that a careful Romanist (and a careful Gricean) must resist. Short answer first:   “Picentine” (Picenum) has nothing to do with Piacenza.  It refers to an ancient region on the Adriatic coast, not northern Italy.  Let me unfold that carefully.  1. What “Picentine origin” actually means When sources say the Afranii may be of Picentine origin, they mean:  they come from Picenum and thus are Picentes / Picentini  Now:  Picenum = central-eastern Italy along the Adriatic coast (roughly modern Marche + northern Abruzzo) [en.wikipedia.org]   Geographical picture Picenum lay:  east → Adriatic Sea west → Apennines north → near Ancona south → toward the river Sagrus   [ebsco.com] So:  It is mid‑Italy, not northern Italy.   2. Why this matters for “Afranius” The individual example you have (e.g. Pompeian L. Afranius) confirms explicitly:  he was born in Picenum he is described as a Picentine [en.wikipedia.org]  So:  “Picentine origin” = regional identity, not a guess.   3. Why not Piacenza? This is the key correction.                  TermRegionPicenumAdriatic central ItalyPiacenzanorthern Italy, Po Valley They are:  different regions different etymologies different historical zones  So:  It would be an error to interpret “Picentine” as “from Piacenza.”   4. What about the -anus suffix? You are right to press this. Latin gentilicia in ‑anus often derive from:  places estates local identities  So:  Picentinus → from Picenum Afranius → perhaps from a place or earlier name with ‑anus (now opaque)  But:  The specific original toponym behind Afranius is not securely known. We only know the family is later located in Picenum.   5. “Isn’t Picenum too far from Rome?” Not at all — and this is very important historically.  Picenum was fully incorporated into Rome by the 3rd c. BC It produced major Roman figures (e.g. Pompey the Great) It was a major Italian recruitment base   [ebsco.com] So:  From a Roman perspective, Picenum was well within the civic world of Rome.   6. Grice/Speranza angle: the name as implicature Now the interesting layer. Early stage  “Picentinus” → implies regional identity meaningful indexical label  Later stage  becomes:  neutral descriptor sometimes social signal (Pompeian affiliation)    So:  It is a living implicature for contemporaries but becomes dead classification for us   7. Connecting to Afranius the poet If Lucius Afranius is Picentine:  he is:  not “from Africa” but from a central Italian provincial base    This fits beautifully with his work:  fabula togata = Roman urban speech, but often seen from slightly non-aristocratic perspective.   8. Final synthesis  “Picentine” = from Picenum (Marche/Abruzzo) not Piacenza not especially “far” from Rome in Roman terms consistent with known historical figures   Dry Speranzian close  The Afranii are called Picentine not because their name suggests it, but because history places them there; and if one insists on hearing Africa or Piacenza in the word, one is doing exactly what Afranius’ characters do — mishearing a name and supplying an implicature of one’s own.   If you want, we can now construct a short Simulans-style scene where a character misinterprets “Afranius” as “Africanus,” which would be very much in his comic style.Afranio, Lucio.