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Friday, August 28, 2015

Davenport's Eastwood Farms: from Capt. Morris's Creek to the East Haven River

Speranza

Nestled along the southern tip of East Haven, Connecticut, New England, Long Island Sound, is the beach community of Momauguin, bordered, to the west, by the neighbourhood of Morris Cove in New Haven and, to the east, by the Short Beach in Branford.

This lovely area is rich in colonial history and its desirable shore line appeal enjoyed by both its year round and seasonal residents.  

Momauguin is named for Sachem Momauguin, chief of the Quinnipiac, a native Indian Tribe, as Sarah Hughes explains us in her "History of East Haven". 
 

If you’re looking for a direct beach-front or water-front home, vacation property, Momauguin has a unique blend of single homes, seasonal cottages, and bungalows. 

Many have deeded beach rights.  

The appeal of the Momauguin area is very strong.

There are distinct neighbourhoods.

From west to east: Morgan Point (including Shell Beach and Old Town Landing), Silver Sands, Cosey Beach, and Mansfield Grove. 

The four neighbourhoods are found within the Momauguin area. 

Morgan Point, with its panoramic views of Long Island Sound and New Haven Harbour borders the Lighthouse Point and Capt. Morris's Cove in New Haven.  

This is where you will find some of the more exclusive direct waterfront homes: Shell Beach and Old Town Landing.

To the east is the neighborhood of Silver Sands with its wonderful choice of home styles, and the Silver Sands Beach Club.  

Silver Sands is also home to The Village at Mariner’s Point, which holds the annual vintage car parade.

To the east, for all of your recreational needs  Cosey Beach is home to the East Haven's beach, and pavilion.

Two of the most popular stops are the Sandpiper and the Beach Head restaurants where you’ll enjoy some of the best seafood fare around. 

Cosey Beach is the go to place for the annual fireworks display.  

It is the highlight of the summer as East Haven celebrates with a full day of activities on the beach with live music and entertainment.


Finally, to the east, and as it bordering the Short Beach area of Branford is the very desirable Mansfield Grove beach neighbourhood,  an excellent area for hiking, canoeing,  kayaking and birding as the East Haven River enters the Long Island Sound.

You’ll find colonial homes along the beautiful tree-lined streets and the waterfront Mansfield Landing. 

Davenport's Eastwood Farms -- eastern boundaries -- The River Tapamshashack -- "The East Side" -- &c -- The Stoney River -- The Muddy River -- "shall be called by the name of EAST haven." --

Speranza

The dividing line between Davenport's Eastwood Farms and Branford had not been definitely ascertained and fixed at the time New Haven sold Totoket, which left much room for uneasiness and altercation.

It is a prevailing tradition, supported by collateral records, that the original line ran along the EAST side of Branford hills.

It appears from the petition of the village to New Haven, and the grant of New Haven to the village in 1679, and the subsequent grant by Branford of the half-mile to the village, that Branford actually held in possession more land than was contained in the original purchase from New Haven in 1644, and that was not paid for.

Branford claimed as far as Lake Saltonstall.

In 1656 New Haven made a grant of a furnace farm to the Iron Company and 12 acres to the collier— both within the line claimed by Branford, though Branford was treated as having some interest in the Iron Works.

About the year 1660, Branford proposed to New Haven to have the line run between them.

After a long delay the business was acted upon in the following manner, as appears from the colony records, Hartford, May 14, 1674.

This Court ordereth that the agreement between New Haven and Milford, Branford and Wallingford, about their bounds, be recorded with the records of the Court and is as followeth.

Whereas there has been a difference between the inhabitants of New Haven and the inhabitants of Branford about the dividing bounds between each "plantation", and the inhabitants of New Haven aforesaid having chosen and empowered

-- James Bishop, jun.,
-- Thomas Munson,
-- William Andrews,
-- John Mosse and
--  John Cooper, sen.,

on their part, and the inhabitants of Branford aforesaid having chosen and empowered Mr. John Wilford, Thomas Blackley, Michael Tayntor, Thomas Harrison and Samuel Ward on their part, to issue the sayd difference in reference to the sayd bounds, the sayd persons above named (excepting John Cooper, in whose room Mr. William Tuttle was desired by the authority of New Haven) being mett together this fifth day of October 1669.

A full debate and consideration of the case for the preserving of love and peace and the preventing of trouble for the future between them that have hitherto been loving neighbours, have condescended so far each to other, as to agree about the premises as followeth, viz. that from the river formerly called in an agreement Tapamshashack (with the exception of meadows therein expressed) the great Lake shall be the bounds so far as it goes.

From the head of the Lake, a straight line was drawn to the east end of a Hassuakque meadow out of which a brook called "Ercole" runs into muddy river, and from the east end of the said meadow, a north line was drawn with the just variation according to the country unto the end of the bounds of Branford aforesayd, that is, 10 miles from Long Island Sound, according to the order of the General Assembly.

In testimony whereof we have set too our hands the day and year above written.

John Wilford Samuel Bishop
Tho: Blackley Thomas Munson
Michael Tayntor William Andrews
Tho: Harrison William Tuttell
Samuel Warde John Mosse.

A negotiation had been carried on with Branford concerning land that lay within their bounds, which they had not yet paid for, and which New Haven had granted to East Haven.

Branford finally promised them land, but the execution of that promise was delayed.

The village grew impatient and passed the following order.

At a formal meeting of the village, 15th Feb. 1681, it was propounded that we might choose men to treat with Branford about the land in their bounds, that was given to us and is now in contention.

After same debate it was ordered and appointed, that

-- John Potter
-- Samuel Heminway
-- John Thompson
-- Nathaniel Hitchcock
-- Alling Ball, jun. and
--  Matthew Moulthrop,

them or any four of them were empowered to treat that matter with our friends of Branford as to land or line, and finish it.

This vote was predicated on a grant from New Haven in December, 1679, as follows.

For the Quinnipiack land now within the town of Branford, and was at first bought by us, and never payed for by Branford to us, that the town would grant unto them our right, the better to enable them to treat with Branford for enlargement on the purchase money due, with the consideration that New Haven hath been long out of purse.

The same month that the village passed the before-mentioned vote, Branford acted on the subject thus.

Whereas there is a difference between Branford and the iron work farmers (or inhabitants of New Haven) concerning the propriety of lands in Branford bounds.

 At a town meeting in Branford, Feb. 1681, Branford unanimously agreed to leave the case depending to a Committee, and the town have made choice of and appointed Mr. William Rosewell, Mr. Edward Barker, Thomas Harrison, William Hoadley, and Eleazer Stent, a Committee for the issue of the case aforesaid; and they do give them full power, in the behalf of the town either by composition with the farmers (or New Haven inhabitants) or to manage the said case at General Court, either by themselves, or any other attorney, or attorneys, as they see cause, and to be at what charge they cause in the management thereof.

 They do also desire and appoint the said Committee to take into their custody whatsoever writings or conveyances may be had (or copies of them) that concern the town.

And do engage to reimburse what charges the committee shall be at in the whole case.

As this attempt to settle the controversy failed, the village proceeded to the use of some high-toned language on the subject, which was met by Branford in the annexed resolution.

Whereas the iron work farmers have given us notice that if we do not grant them land, then they will run a line in our bounds.

At a Towne meeting in Branford, 8th July, 1681; the inhabitants of the town did answer, and declare by vote that the farmers have NO right to do with the running of any line or lines in our bounds, or within our town, and, therefore, do protest against any such proceeding, as an invasion of our just rights and privileges, and further do forbid them or any of them to enter upon our Towne bounds with any such design, if they do, be it at their peril."

The case was brought before the General Court the next fall, and that body adopted some measures to promote an adjustment of their difficulties.

At a General Court held at Hartford, 13th Oct., 1681, whereas there is a difference between Branford and the farmers on The East Side, about the line between New Haven and Branford, or New Haven purchase of the Indians, this Court do request the Deputy Governor, and Andrew Leete, and Samuel Eales to take some pains to examine the case, and do endeavour an accommodation between them, and if they can not attayn an issue, they are to make report how they find it to the next Court, where both parties are to attend for issue, and the sayd towne of Branford, and the farmers, are to attend to this affayre, when they shall be appointed by the Deputy Governor; they, viz. the Committee, are also to consider whether there be any obligation that doth lie upon New Haven, that doth hinder this people from building a Dick at the East Side or South-end." (Col. Rec.)

This arrangement of the General Court had a happy effect.

The parties came to a settlement of their difficulties and Branford gave the village a deed dated May 8, 1682, for that tract of land called the half-mile, in which it was stipulated, that the line shall run and be as formerly, from Long Island Sound to the head of Lake Saltonstall as is described in the bounds already mentioned.

On the 9th of May, 1682, in behalf of East Haven,

-- Samuel Heminway
-- James Denison
-- John Potter
-- Matthew Moulthrop
-- John Thompson, and 
-- Nathaniel Hitchcock

gave a quit claim to Branford for all lands within their bounds.

The Committee appointed by the General Court reported their proceedings, which by a formal vote were accepted and ratified.

Hartford, May, 1682.

The gentlemen of New Haven and Branford agreed about the purchase of their lands, which they were appointed by the Court to issue; and Major Treat, William Leete, and Mr. Eales were desired to assist them in Oct. last." (Col. Rec.)

In the year 1678 the people of East Haven petitioned New Haven for their consent to become a distinct village, and for some other privileges.

With zeal the people of East Haven prosecuted this object.

Not succeeding this year, on the 18th of August, 1679, the people of East Haven renewed their application, which resulted as follows:

At a town meeting held in New Haven, 29th Deer. 1679 a committee was appointed to examine and prepare matters against some other meeting.

After the town had heard the considerations of the committee, the request was approved and confirmed to be their order by vote.

The full text of this grant has been recorded in Chapter III, under head of Ecclesiastical Affairs.

After East Haven had obtained their village grant, from the General Court, to become a society, they proceeded to transact local business, separately from New Haven.

They seem to have apprehended that their parish grant involved some authority for the choice of village officers, and for the laying out and disposing of land within their parish bounds.

This course brought upon themselves and New Haven a long scene of confusion and trouble and not a little expense.

At a meeting in East Haven, 19th March, 1683, it is agreed by vote that in laying out the third division we will follow the method of New Haven, viz.: 20 acres for each hundred pounds in the list, and 4 acres to each child, and 20 acres to each family, tho' their heads and estates do not amount thereunto.

On November 26th, 1683, it was agreed to lay out the one half of said third division upon Stoney river; and the other half where it will be most convenient, and begin the lots as to their order upon the land next to the five men's land at Foxon.

After the arrangements for the third division were made, they voted to lay out the third division by the list of the estates we give in to the payment of the minister this present year with the addition of our persons' heads not there given in, because not rated, but here to be added, as in the list alphabetically arranged.

With this small population and with this small property, they supported a minister of the Gospel about four years.

Their public expenses and some other embarrassments were so great that some began to cherish the idea that they should not be able to proceed and especially as their crops had recently failed.

They therefore took a vote, March 29, 1684, whether they should go forward in building up East Haven.

Nineteen men being present, they all voted to proceed.

The proceedings of East Haven in dividing land gave offence to New Haven, and they appointed a committee to confer with East Haven on the subject.

East Haven also appointed a committee to go to New Haven and inform that committee of all their proceedings.

In 1685 they appear to have relinquished East Haven's privileges and returned to their former connection with New Haven.

About this time they requested New Haven to furnish them with a further division of land, which was referred to a special committee whose report was accepted and recorded as follows.

In answer to the inhabitants of New Haven, the Committee appointed by the town to consider their proposals about the third division, order as followeth.

That in laying out the remainder of the third division, not yet taken up by the said inhabitants, being approved planters, it be laid out to them in quantity according to the list of estates in 1679, by appointed sizers, and Enos Talmadge for the Towne.

That the grants which have been made by the late Village Company to any of them, having a right to the third division as aforesaid, be accounted as part of such remainder of third division, except eight acres granted and laid out as appended to the Mill.

That they lay out the said remainder upon and out of the half mile of lands, or addition from Branford as far as their granted bounds, provided that they lay it out as to others of the town, viz. one half mile in depth, and lying together, and not in particular tracts or parcels; and if there be not enough found there, then to make up their quantity elsewhere within the bounds formerly granted, provided, that the town commons, as formerly appointed, be stated by the now appointed sizers and surveyors, who are to view and lay out the said proportions of third division, and the remainder for commons.

As to the grants of land made to the sundry particular persons by the East Side inhabitants we see not cause at present to confirm; but before we so do, we expect that now, having laid down the Village designs, and being returned to their former station for power and privilege with ourselves as one plantation, that they plainly declare themselves in so doing without reservation, not to go off from us when they please, or judge themselves in a capacity for it, without the Towne's approbation in that case.

East Haven appointed Bishop, Mansfield, and Thomas Kimberly sizers, and Enos Talmadge surveyor, and at the charge of the East Side inhabitants: and we desire their answer to these premises in writing under their hands." (N. H. Rec.)

A reply to these resolutions cannot be found, but from this time their affairs seem to have proceeded without any particular controversy until 1703, when the village moved to resume their village grant of 1680.

The village bore their proportion of town and colony charges and endured great hardships and dangers in attending public worship at New Haven.

After the termination of King Philip's War the Indians were frequently in a state of commotion.

Some powerful tribes that were under the influence of the French in Canada frequently assumed a hostile attitude.

In 1689 the town prepared a flying army, which stood ready to march at a moment's warning.

A patrol of four horsemen was continually scouring the woods, and all the militia were obliged to carry their arms with them to public worship prepared for battle.

The Indians near the village were sometimes employed as scouting parties and in other respects as useful auxiliaries.

The following incident may be worth preserving.

A friendly Indian warrior was requested to act as sentinel in the Gap, north of Mullen hill.

He consented, and for this purpose borrowed Hemingway's gun, and was assured it was well loaded. 

Without examination he took the gun and went to his post.

He soon saw two Indians descending into the valley from Pond Rock, and advancing toward the Gap.
They passed him and when he had them in range, intending to kill both at one shot, he leveled his gun to fire but it only flashed in the pan, for it was not charged.

The spies, without observing it, passed on across the fresh meadows, and mingled with the friendly Indians about Grave hill.

The disappointed Indian was greatly enraged and threatened to kill Hemingway for deceiving him in order that he might be killed.

Hemingway was innocent of the charge for he had loaded the gun himself, but some other person had discharged it without his knowledge, and priming it, left it in the usual place in that condition.

With the discovery of this fact the warrior was finally pacified. In a day or two one of these spies was found dead on the Indian land—supposed to have been killed by the enraged warrior.

Nothing further appears on record of a special nature, respecting the village, until the close of the year 1703.

The following extracts from the village records will show the course of their affairs at that period.

At a Village Meeting, 23d Deer. 1703, the inhabitants voted that they would take up their Village grant; and to the end chose

-- Alling Ball
-- Samuel Hotchkiss
-- Samuel Heminway
-- John Potter
-- William Luddington
-- John Russel
-- George Pardee

for a Committee to manage the concerns of East Haven in order to a settlement according to the General Court's grant.

And informed New Haven of their design.

On 20th Nov. 1704, they voted that all the undivided land within the Village bounds shall be equally divided unto each of the present inhabitants, according to the heads and estates in 1702, when we were in a Village way, according to New Haven grant, excepting persons that are tenants.

"The Committee appointed to search for land reported that they judged there were yet 1200 acres of undivided lands."

30th March, 1705, they agreed to lay out a half division of land, according to the list in 1702, and to draw lots, who should pitch first, and next, and and none shall pitch on the half mile gained from Branford.

George Pardee was chosen to draw lots.

Samuel Thompson and Samuel Hotchkiss, jun., were chosen surveyors of the half division.

The town of New Haven was offended with the proceedings of the village respecting the laying out of the land and while the village petition for the renewal of parish privileges was pending before the General Assembly passed some angry resolutions, manifesting their unwillingness to admit the village to society privileges, and forbade the people south of Muddy River, and north of the village line, to pay any longer to the support of the ministry there, but to return to New Haven.

April 24, 1705. The Townsmen moved the Towne to consider whether the Towne look on the grant formerly made by New-Haven, doth give them power to take up again a Village on the east side, and whether the right of soil in the bounds of said Village belongs to the inhabitants there.

 The Towne by vote declare -that they look upon the said former grant for a Village on that side to have been some time since, and by sundry applications and matters of record, are superceeded and cancelled, and that those neighbours may not lawfully resume and manage a Village affairs without a new grant and allowance orderly made to them; and that the right of undivided and common land, within the former grant, in no wise is, or ever was, granted to the inhabitants of said Village, but is and must remain at the disposal of the Towne of New-Haven, as much as any other tracts of common land lying within the established boundary of New Haven Towne, and whereas in said former grant the farmers on that side, northward of the Village bounds, were allowed to pay to the Ministry settled in said Village till further orders.

The Towne likewise doth order that those inhabitants henceforward pay to the support of the Ministry in New-Haven platt, untill that matter shall be otherwise ordered by said Towne." (N. H. Rec.)

The right of soil in the undivided land did indeed belong to the town of New Haven.

The village had no right to make a division of common land, except the half-mile that belonged to the village by a deed from Branford, predicated on a special grant of New Haven to that effect.

New Haven had no right of soil in the half-mile.

East Haven, however, obtained from the General Assembly a renewal of the parish grant which they had received in 1680, and they proceeded to manage their religious affairs in their own way.

New Haven attempted to tax East Haven as before, which was resisted by East Haven.

On April 24th, 1707, the Village voted that 600 acres on the lower end of the half-mile should be sold to defend lawsuits against New Haven, particularly when distressed for taxes.

And that the purchasers should sue at the next County Court after New Haven had strained for taxes.

William Luddington
John Russell
John Moulthrop
Joseph Tuttle
Daniel Collins
Jacob Robinson

took the 600 acres on those conditions, and divided it among themselves.

This tract lay between Lake Saltonstall and The Bull-swamp bridge.

Caleb Parmalee, Caleb Chidsey, and Isaac Penfield afterwards settled on it.

Some attempts to quiet this controversy were made, but without effect.

In October of this year East Haven proposed to New Haven to take their whole right of lands within the village bounds and maintain their own poor.

The next year, according to advice of the General Assembly, a committee of twelve was appointed by both parties and the articles of agreement proposed by the General Assembly partly consented to, i. e., to take the common lands within their bounds and support their own poor.

Some of the village people, however, protested against any propositions that might infringe their old rights.

About this time also there was a difference between the village and the South End men respecting the last division of land; but this was adjusted by admitting them to a full proportion with the rest.

To accomplish their object respecting further privileges the village proceeded thus:

15th Feb. 1707. Sergt. John Potter and Joseph Turtle were directed to attend a Town-meeting at New-Haven, and obtain their consent that this Village may be a settled distinct Towne.

The following spring the village petitioned the General Assembly for that object, which was granted.
"May, 1707.

This Assembly, considering the petition of the East Village of New-Haven do see cause to order that they shall be a Village distinct from the Towne of New-Haven, and invested and priviledged with all immunities and priviledges that are proper and necessary for a village, for the upholding of the public worship of God, as also their own civil concerns; and in order thereunto doe grant them libertie of all such officers so chosen as aforesaid and sworn as the law directs, shall be inabled with power and authoritie as fully and effectually for their limits or bounds, as is already granted them, as any such officers of any Towne whatsoever.

As also the said Village have liberty to have a school amongst themselves, with the privilege of the 40 shillings upon the £100 estate, as every town hath by law, and also free their own village charge, and maintain their own poor as all towns are obliged to do, and be fully freed from paying any taxes to New Haven, and shall be called by the name of EAST Haven.

(Col. Rec.)

This was a very ample charter for all the common privileges and immunities and duties of a town.

The right of choosing a representative is not, indeed, specified, but is implied in the "immunities and priviledges of a Towne.

They were furnished with the officers and powers of a town and the specific duties of a town are imposed.

So the people considered the grant and acted upon it by immediately choosing town officers, laying rates, and taking charge of their own poor.

Had the village still cooperated with New Haven in dividing their common lands, instead of assuming the right of dividing them themselves, probably they would not have been molested.

New Haven was displeased, as appears from the following document.

"16th Sept. 1707, the Towne taking into their consideration, that, notwithstanding all fair and friendly endeavours have been used by our Committee, for a good agreement between us and our neighbours at the Iron works, that they have yet given us causeless trouble and charge, in that they have four times summoned us to answer them before the General Court, and in May last, have moved the said General Court, that they may have the privileges of a separate Towne, and be freed from payment of Towne rates here, and also that they have unjustly entered upon, and granted sundry parcels of land, being our right and property, to the great prejudice of the Towne, and more particularly of some of their neighbours, do, therefore, by their vote declare, that altho' we have ever, hitherto, been willing, not only to grant them liberty, but all due encouragement to a separate society for carrying on the worship of God; yet the above proceedings being not only injurious to our right, property and privilege, secured to us by law, and our patent; but are also accompanied with great disturbance of the peace, and much disorder, which is likely to increase if not prevented, that, therefore, we may in no measure be satisfied therewith; but do order the Townsmen, with good advice in all proper methods of law, to endeavour the prevention thereof, and to secure our interest.

Being informed also that the listers cannot obtain the bills of persons and estates from the aforesaid inhabitants of the iron works, who refuse to deliver the same, on pretence that Towne privileges were conferred upon them separately by the General Court, in May last, that, therefore our said listers are not capable to perfect their list, and to give the sum total thereof, according to an act of the General Assembly, in October last past, the Towne considering thereof, do declare that the sum total of their list cannot be known, and desire it should not be presented, 'till it be perfected according to law."

In January, 1708, the village found themselves in debt to their minister and meetinghouse, and in order to cancel those debts they voted to sell the half-mile.

The division to begin near Pierpont's and so come down.

The land to be laid out in two tiers of lots, with a six rod road thro' the middle; and the land was valued at one shilling and eight pence per acre, and proportioned at the rate of 5 acres to the £100 estate, and one acre to the poll. * * * the money was paid to Caleb Chedsey, Treasurer."

In 1708 Gurdon Saltonstall was elected governor.

It may be pardonable here to make a little digression and give a short sketch of Saltonstall.

Gurdon Saltonstall was born in Haverhill, Massachusetts, March 27, 1666; graduated at Harvard College, A.B. 1684, A.M. 1687; served as butler of the college 1684-1685; was ordained Minister of the church at New London, Connecticut, November 25, 1691.

He became a celebrated preacher, and was invited to accompany Winthrop to England, to settle political difficulties in 1693. He was chosen to succeed Gov. Fitz-John Winthrop in office at the latter's death, and served by annual election from 1708 to 1724. He was a man of great influence and power. He refused to be agent to the colony, conveying the address to Queen Anne urging the conquest of Canada in 1709, but aided in raising a large force for the disastrous expedition of Sir Hovenden Walker, and in 1713 became personally responsible for the credit of the colony, which had become involved through the expenses incurred in Canada. In his ministerial teachings he was a strict disciplinarian and the "Saybrook Platform" was largely due to his urging ecclesiastical discipline, which was in some respects in harmony with the Presbyterian polity.

He was so intent that it should be printed that he bought and set up in his residence in New London, the first printing press in Connecticut, forty-five years before printing was in use in any other place in the colony. His printer was Thomas Short, who came to New London in 1709.

He printed the "Saybrook Platform," which is said to be the first book printed in Connecticut.

Saltonstall was very prominent in locating Yale at New Haven instead of at Hartford, which place he strenuously opposed.

He seems to have been a man of tact as well as of force and authority.

The following is related of him: A strange sect called "Rogerenes" may be found in New London at present, although very sparingly. They ignored the rites of minister and doctor. One day as Governor Saltonstall was sitting in his room, smoking his pipe, a man named Gurdon came in with a woman, and addressing the governor said, "Sir, I have married this woman, and that, too, without the authority of your magistrates and ministers."

The governor turned round, took the pipe out of his mouth, and in a stern voice said, "Gurdon, have you taken this woman for your wife?" Gurdon replied, "Yes, I have." Turning to the woman the governor said, "Madam, have you take'n this man for your husband?" She replied, "Indeed, sir, I have." "Well, then," said the governor, "by authority of, and according to the laws of Connecticut, I pronounce you lawfully wedded husband and wife." Gurdon was astonished, and after a pause replied, "Thou art a cunning creature."

Governor Saltonstall married the only child of William Rosewell, and of course came into possession of the William Rosewell's farm.

Roswell Saltonstall, his grandson, lived at the Lake Saltonstall.

Leverett S. Bagley has now, in the parlour, one of Saltonstall's straight-back chairs.

After the death of the last Saltonstall, the William Rosewell's farm went into the hands of Jared Bradley.

Tradition has always been that this Saltonstall was not equal to the average, in mental capacity.

If he was not actually incompetent, he was inactive, and preferred some one to look out for him, rather than to take care of himself, and the Farm went to Bradley for care bestowed.

After the death of Bradley's wife, his niece, Loruhamah Goodsell, kept house for him.

When she left William Rosewell's Farm, she brought this chair to her father's house in East Haven (the site of the present Bailey house), where she died. Her daughter, Mrs. Grace (Goodsell) Parmelee, gave it to her friend, Mrs. Emeline (Bradley) Bagley, the mother of the late Leverett S. Bagley.

There was a common feeling among the people of the town that he constantly opposed their town privileges; and being a man of great influence, he had abundant opportunity to injure them.

The following incident will show the spirit of the times relative to East Haven affairs.

The people of the village kept large flocks of geese, many of which found their way to Lake Saltonstall and frequently passed over to the farm.

The governor being vexed with this invasion of his rights proclaimed a defensive war, attacked and routed the feathered army, making a great slaughter among them.

The owners of the geese thought that this was a cruel and unnecessary war, and were in turn greatly offended, and such was the effect upon the minds of the inhabitants generally, that at the next election for governor not a single East Haven vote appeared for Saltonstall.

After this discovery, the singular acts were passed by the General Assembly which destroyed their charter.

Whether these representations respecting the hostility and influence of Saltonstall are correct or not, it is certain that a most singular legislative legerdemain followed, and which whenever adopted is sufficient to ruin any charter, or fritter down any law into perfect nonsense. It is similar in effect to that exercise of power by which the Kings of England revoked charters and disannulled laws, and rendered every privilege and all property totally insecure.

In all probability the governor's business called him to New Haven often and he might have spent a few days at a time at the Farm. Usually such men kept a farmer on their estates, and probably he did. He was thrice married. His second wife was Elizabeth, daughter of William and Catharine (Russell) Roswell of Branford, Conn., by whom he came into possession of the Farm property. He died in New London, Connecticut, September 20, 1724.

At a village meeting 15th Feb. 1709, agreed to sell all the undivided lands on the pond Rock to the upper end, except the parsonage land.

The rest to be sequestered for building the minister's house.

25th Feb. 1709, another half division of land was made at the rate of five acres on the i1oo estate and one acre on the Poll.

Eliphalet Pardee drew the lot.

The controversy continued, and the General Assembly undertook to explain the act containing the town charter of East Haven.

New Haven, Oct. 1710, this Assembly taking into consideration an Act passed in the General Court held at Hartford, 8th May 1707, granting several privileges to the Village called (in the said Act) East-Haven, do declare upon the same, that there is nothing contained in the said Act that concerns property of lands, or that excludes the said Village from being within the Township of New-Haven; nor that intends to give the said Village the liberty of choosing deputies distinct from the Town of New Haven." (Col. Rec.)

5th Feb. 1711. Caleb Chedsey, Sergt. John Potter, John Howe, Samuel Russell, Ab. Heminway and Samuel Thompson, were chosen to goe to New-Haven and discourse with the Committee there, about the differences they speak of between them and us, and to make return to the Village, and not to conclude anything respecting the aforesaid matters, without the approbation of the Village."
Nothing, however, was accomplished by this attempt at explanation. The commentary of the General Assembly did not even diminish the magnitude of the controversy. East Haven pursued its own course, and New Haven threatened and prosecuted the people for their taxes.

In 1716, East Haven again cited New Haven before the General Assembly in hope that they should be able to maintain their town privileges on the charter of 1707. Contrary to their expectations, this application only brought forth a commentary on the commentary last mentioned.

"New-Haven, Oct. 1716. Upon consideration of the petition of the inhabitants at the Village of East-Haven, this Assembly find upon examination, that the last act of this Assembly, dated Oct. 1710, determines them to have no other powers than those that are common to other parishes, and, therefore, are of opinion that the law does not put the care of the poor into their hands, but into the Town of New Haven." (Col. Rec.)

In December of the same year, New Haven "Voted to clear the inhabitants of East Haven Village of all taxes to the Ministry or School, so long as they support the same according to the laws of this Colony.

They appointed a committee to settle with them about civil matters; and if they could not settle, they were determined to prosecute. In 1713 the last division of land was made, it being now all taken up.

After the year 1716, for a long time, very little appears on record concerning the civil concerns of the village. The General Assembly having explained away all their privileges, rights and duties as a town, they had nothing to do, nor anything to enjoy, except ing the duties and privileges of a mere parish under the jurisdiction of New Haven.

Being silenced by the terror of law suits and "the powers that be," they yielded; until another generation arose that knew not a Saltonstall and which began to think again that the act of 1707 really meant something according to the natural import of words, and accordingly on the 18th of December, 1752, "Voted, that we will take up the privileges that the General Assembly and the Town of New-Haven have formerly granted for the time being; and in order to do this, do send our Memorial forthwith to the Town meeting now sitting.

"6th December 1753. We the subscribers, Selectmen of the Town of East-Haven, hereby beg leave to inform the inhabitants of the Town of New-Haven in Town meeting assembled, that whereas the General Assembly of the Colony of Connecticut, at their session at Hartford, on the 8th May, 1707, on the humble petition of the then East Village of New-Haven, were pleased to order, "That the said Village should be a Village distinct from the Town of New-Haven, and invested and priviledged with all immunities and privileges proper and necessary for a Village, for the upholding the worship of God, as also their own civil concerns," and did also grant them liberty of all such officers, as are proper and necessary for a Town, to be chosen by themselves, in order and form as all Towns by law, for each or any Town, and that all such officers so chosen as aforesaid and sworn as the law directs, should be enabled with power and authority as fully and effectually for their limits and bounds as any such officers of any Town whatsoever, and should be freed from paying taxes to the Town of New-Haven, and be called by the name of East-Haven. And whereas the Town of EastHaven, in pursuance of the said grant of the said General Assembly, did on the 6th December inst. in Town meeting regularly convened, proceed to choose the officers by law directed in Town meetings to be chosen, and to make such rules, orders and regulations, as were necessary for the welfare and due regulation of said Town, and are determined hereafter to continue to take benefit of the said grant of the General Assembly, and therein conduct according to the laws of this Colony, respecting the regulation and due Government of Towns, we have thought it our duty, and accordingly do in behalf of said Town of East-Haven, and by direction from them, hereby notify the Town of New-Haven of such their resolutions and conduct, in order that the said Town of NewHaven may hereafter exempt themselves from any further care or trouble respecting the affairs of the said Town of EastHaven, the regulation thereof, or the appointment of officers therein, whereof we doubt not your favourable acceptance and approbation, and are with gratitude for your past assistance, kindness and care:—
East-Haven, 6th Dec. 1753.

The village at the next meeting, 13th December, voted to defray the expenses of the Selectmen in defending us from the Town of New-Haven.

These proceedings, however, brought upon them once more the broad hand of the General Assembly as follows.

"New-Haven, October, 1754. Whereas by the law of this Colony respecting the office and duties of listers, provision is made for the sum total of the list of the several Towns in this Colony, to be sent in to this Assembly, and whereas the Village, or Society of East-Haven, in the Town of NewHaven, have sent the sum total of their list into this Assembly, distinct from the Town of New-Haven, which this Assembly, judging to be contrary to the law aforesaid, for that Towns only are to send in their list do reject the same, it not being the list of any Town—But forasmuch as it appears to this Assembly, that the said Society in sending said list, acted through mistake and misapprehension, do thereupon order, that the sum total of the list sent in by said Society be added to the sum total of the list of the Town of New-Haven, to make one sum, and that the same be entered on the records as the list of said Town accordingly. It is also further ordered that the listers of New-Haven inspect the list of the inhabitants of said Society, with the rest of the inhabitants of said Town according to law. And the several persons who received and made up the list of said Society, as listers, are hereby ordered to deliver the several lists of the inhabitants of said Society to the listers of the Town of NewHaven, that they may make up one general list, to be delivered to the Town Clerk as the law directs; and the Secretary of the Colony is directed to deliver two copies of this act to the Sheriff of New-Haven County, one by him to be delivered to the listers of said Town of New-Haven, and the other to the person or persons who received and made up the lists of said Society, for their direction respectively in the premises." (Col. Rec.)

Thus another fatal blow was given to the act of 1707.

The village, however, was very obstinate, and was determined not to yield.

But in order to remove and prevent any further objections to what they apprehended to be their rights, on the 3d of February, 1755, they appointed a Committee to apply to the General Court for Town privileges, according to a former Grant and to refuse to pay the two last rates of the Town; and to make an agreement with New-Haven about it, if they could.

But this plan failed.

They then resumed their old ground and on the 16th June

Voted, that we will proceed further with respect to our privileges granted formerly to us by the General Assembly, and will try it in the common law with the Town of New-Haven if they strain for our Town rates." And a committee was appointed to manage this business.

They persisted in choosing officers annually and yet appear to have acted with New Haven in town business. Nothing more appears on record respecting this controversy until May, 1780, when the village "Voted to apply to the General Assembly, to ratify and confirm our Town privileges, granted to this Village in 1707, and that a Committee go to New-Haven, and let them know that we are determined to act in defence of said privileges.

In December, 1781, this business was again introduced, and it was voted that a Committee be appointed to go to New-Haven to the next Town meeting, to petition them to give their assent and approbation to our talcing up our Village grant of 1707, and to act upon the same." "January 1, 1782.

Voted, that Levi Pardee go round to the people, to know whether they are willing to be a Town, or not." "3d January, Voted, that we will petition the General Assembly, that they make us a distinct town from New Haven." In the prosecution of this object they persevered. And at length after about 80 years of labor and controversy obtained their object. In 1785 New Haven consented they should become a town. They presented a petition to the General Assembly, and obtained the following grant:
"At a General Assembly holden at Hartford, on the second Tuesday of May, 1785, upon the Memorial of the inhabitants of the parish of East-Haven, in the Town of New-Haven, representing to the Assembly the many inconveniences they are subject to, by reason of their being connected with, and being a part of the Town of New-Haven, praying that they may be constituted a distinct and separate Town by themselves as per memorial, resolved by this Assembly, that the said inhabitants of said parish of East-Haven be, and they are hereby constituted a town by the name of East Haven.

And the bounds of East Haven shall be the same as the bounds of the said parish now are, and that East Haven shall be entitled to, and have and enjoy all the rights, privileges and immunities that the other towns in this state enjoy; and shall have liberty to elect and appoint all officers necessary and proper for a Town, to lay taxes and collect them as Towns in this State are allowed by law, and to do and transact all matters necessary and proper for a Town.

And the said Town of East-Haven shall be entitled to receive of the said Town of New-Haven, their part and proportion of all the Town Stock of said Town of New-Haven; and said Town of East-Haven, shall pay their part and proportion of all the debts of said Town of New-Haven already incurred, in proportion to the sum of their list, in the list of the Town of New Haven, and shall take upon them the charge and support of their part of the Town poor of said Town of New-Haven in proportion as aforesaid. And the taxes of said Town of New Haven already laid, shall and may be collected and applied for the payment of the debts and expenses of said Town of New Haven, already incurred, and the same being paid and discharged, said Town of East-Haven shall be entitled to their part and proportion of the overplus, if any be, to be ascertained as aforesaid.

And East Haven shall bear their part and proportion of supporting the bridges and highways within the bounds of the Town of New-Haven and East-Haven, in such part and proportion, as shall be judged just and reasonable, by William S. Johnson, Jonathan Sturgis, and John Chester, Esq. who are appointed a Committee for that purpose, all the circumstances of the Town being duly considered; and said Committee shall appoint and set off, to the said Town of East-Haven, their part and proportion, of the poor of the said Town of New-Haven, and the stock and debts in proportion to their lists aforesaid.

And East Haven shall hold their first town meeting at the meeting-house in East Haven,on the first Tuesday of July next, at 10 o'clock A. M. when they may choose such Town Officers as by law are required, who shall remain in office until another meeting shall be held in and for said Town, in the month of December next And said meeting shall have power and authority to transact all matters necessary for a Town, and to adjourn, to a future period, if necessary, said inhabitants, legal voters, being warned three days before said meeting by Isaac Chedsey, Stephen Smith and Joshua Austin of East Haven, or any of them, to meet as aforesaid, and Stephen Smith shall preside at said meeting until a moderator of said meeting shall be chosen, and shall take and count the votes of said Town for their moderator; provided nothing shall be construed to hinder the inhabitants of the Town of New-Haven from catching fish, oysters, and clams within the bounds of said Town of East-Haven, under the same restrictions, and regulations that the said inhabitants of said EastHaven shall be. Provided also that the said Town of East-Haven shall have the liberty to send one representative to the General Assembly of this State." (State and Town Records.)

The first town meeting under this act was held in the meetinghouse on the first Tuesday of July, 1785.

The meeting was opened with prayer by Street, and a sermon adapted to the occasion from Psalms cxxii. 3, 7, 8, 9, and the necessary town officers were appointed.

Previous to these transactions, New Haven confirmed the doings of the village respecting the divisions of land in East Haven, which had been the subject of much controversy; and the people of East Haven, on their part, relinquished their claim to all the common lands in the other parts of the town of New Haven. Thus all their controversies which had agitated the town for about eighty years were brought to a happy issue.

When we read over all the struggles, refusals and disappointments of our early settlers, in their attempts to be an independent town, we can but admire the determination, fortitude, and unrelenting fixedness of purpose which characterized all their proceedings.

It is just what we should expect of men who had braved all the dangers, privations and hardships of a pioneer settlement.

Yet they had the same spirit as their own with which to contend which prolonged the battle.

Their contentions exhibited that strength and firmness of mind which enabled them to encounter all the dangers of the wilderness with courage and coolness, and to bear trouble and adverse circumstances without depression and without despondency.

They possessed that resolution, that endurance and bravery, that never acknowledges defeat.

This was the character of our Puritan fathers.

Seven times they cited New Haven before the General Assembly and as many times were defeated.

Nothing daunted, they persevered, until the eighth time they conquered—one hundred and six years after they had petitioned for their first privilege, and nearly eighty since their first charter had been granted, to which they clung with unflinching grip.

It is amusing to count the number of men whom they placed upon their committees.

One would think such a drove of men intended to take things by storm.

They believed that "in a multitude of councillors there is safety."

Then their town meetings were almost as numerous as the frequent gatherings at the village store.

These were their schools of parliamentary tactics.

All this primitive labor was the seed sowing, of which this great nation is to-day reaping the harvest.

Long Island Sound

Speranza

Thursday, August 27, 2015

New England

A natural history of Davenport's Eastwood Farms, Long Island Sound, Connecticut, New England -- Morris Creek --

Speranza

The town of East Haven contained about 9,000 acres of land, until 1882, when about 1/3 d of its surface was annexed to New Haven.

The soil is generally light and sandy but capable of yielding good crops when properly cultivated -- hence its alias: Davenport's Eastwood Farms!

It is congenial to Indian corn and barley.

In favourable seasons potatoes do well.

In some parts of East Haven rye succeeds, but it is very subject to blast and rust.

By good husbandry, East Haven lands may be made more productive.

Though unhappily there is very little good pasturage in the town.

There is very little clay, and some parts of East Haven n are encumbered and disfigured with rocks and ragged barren hills.

About the first spring, or the head of Bloomary Brook and the head of Claypit brook, and along the intervals of Stoney river, good brick clay may be obtained.

Some of the best land lies in the fresh meadows and Morris Cove swamp, which are now uncultivated and unproductive.

Were these low lands drained, as they will be at some future period, they would be the most productive lands in East Haven.

Along the seashore, there is a range of granite rock, of the purest kind, but it is not found in any other part of the town.

The Pond Rock and the ridge west of it are green or whinstone.

The same kind of rock appears in detached eminences and ridges, in some other parts of the town.

Sandstone of the secondary formation commences on the Indian land northeast from Morris Cove and running north spreads through Fair Haven woods, and terminates on the Davenport's Eastwood farm, proper.

Another mass lies on the east side of the fresh meadows, and runs in a northeast direction to the north line of the town on the half-mile.

The green stone, generally, on the surface is in such a state of fracture as to be nearly useless, except the smaller fragments, which make excellent gravel for the roads.

In some places the sand stone is in a state of decomposition.

In the ridge north of Mullen Hill agates are found in abundance.

The plains appear to be composed of sand, coarse and fine, washed from the lands and valleys on the north, and accumulating gradually by some powerful operating cause.

The salt marshes are founded upon a bottom of sand, like that of the plains adjacent.

East Haven is well supplied with water of an excellent quality.

There are numerous springs and some fine rivulets, while Stoney river and Lake Saltonstall afford an inexhaustible supply of water of the best kind.

Lake Saltonstall is about three miles long, and from one hundred yards to three hundred yards broad, and very deep.

The fisheries in the waters of East Haven are excellent and valuable.

In the Quinnipiac river, oysters are taken in vast quantities and those of a superior quality are taken in the Cove and Stoney river.

Clams, blackfish and whitefish abound in their season.

Whitefish are used in vast quantities for fertilizer.

The trade in oysters is carried to a great extent.

From sixty to one hundred thousand bushels are annually imported.

These are opened, put into kegs of small size, and dispersed all over the northern and western country, quite into Canada.

The amount of sales for this town and vicinity is estimated at 25,000 dollars during the fall and winter season.

And it probably sometimes exceeded that sum.

A considerable number of men are employed in the coasting, packet and oyster trade/

But East Haven has suffered exceedingly by the loss of active men at sea.

 Farming occupies the attention of the principal part of the male population.

On October 8, 1797, great damage was done by a tornado, which passed over the center of East Haven.

The same week, the following account of it was published in a local newspaper paper.

On Sunday evening last, between six and seven o'clock, we experienced a violent gale of wind from the westward, attended with heavy rain and thunder.

The damage done in this town was not great, compared with that done at East Haven.

The roofs of some buildings were injured, the tops of chimneys blown off, and windows blown in, some trees and fences blown down, and a barn in the New Township removed from its foundation.

At East-Haven the steeple of the meeting-house was blown down, which falling on the roof, broke through the side, where it fell, leaving only one rafter standing, and penetrating the floor, greatly damaged the seats.

A large new house was removed from its foundations; several dwelling houses were partly, and others entirely unroofed. A number of barns met the same fate. Three large barns were entirely demolished; the materials of which they were built were scattered in every direction. The town of Branford experienced nearly the same fate. Part of the roof of the meeting-house was blown off, and all the windows on the western side destroyed; six or seven houses, a new store, and several barns were unroofed, other barns blown down, the trees in several fine orchards laid prostrate. The height of the tornado continued but a few minutes.

The same tornado is described in Dwight's Travels, with the addition of several particulars to the above account.

On Lord's day, October 8, 1797, in the afternoon, a Tornado, the commencement of which, so far as I was able to learn, was at Upper Salem in the County of Westchester, and State of New-York, passed over Ridgefield, in Connecticut, and thence over Redding, Newtown, Huntington, Derby, Woodbridge, New-Haven, East-Haven, Branford, Guilford, and Killingworth; whence it directed its course over the Sound. At times it rose from the earth, and held its most furious career in a higher region of the atmosphere. Such was the fact at New-Haven, where, although its force was great, it did not blow with sufficient strength to do any material damage. At Upper Salem it destroyed orchards, groves, and buildings. At East-Haven it blew down the steeple of the Presbyterian Church, and ruined several other buildings. It left many marks of its violence also at Branford, and some other places; while in others it did little or no mischief. This alternate rise and fall of a Tornado I have not seen mentioned; nor do I remember a storm of this kind, at so late a season, in any other instance."
Another violent gale, called the Salt Storm, occurred September 3, 1821. Light showers passed in the morning; it was somewhat misty through the day, with a light rain about 5 p. M., the wind rising about that hour, it having been all day south and southeast. At six o'clock it became a gale, still increasing and blowing with dreadful violence until eleven o'clock, when it broke, and a calm succeeded. In this town very little rain fell; but in the region of New York a vast quantity poured down. The sand and gravel, however, were scooped from the earth and dashed against every opposing object. A salt spray covered everything within its reach, and mingling with the dirt then afloat, rendered the glass windows quite opaque, and formed a coat so firm that it was not easily washed off.

The morning light disclosed a scene of mournful devastation in the vegetable kingdom.

Trees of every kind were stripped of their foliage, and also of their fruit. The small limbs upon the windward side were killed and still exhibit the deadly properties of the storm, and along the coast the fruit trees are rendered barren. Many small trees were destroyed. The shrubbery and vegetation of the garden and the field appeared as is common after a severe and early frost. The atmosphere was loaded with a very nauseous fetor. The buckwheat was completely destroyed: the corn lay prostrate, the leaves of which were whipped into strings. The weather afterwards being very warm, the trees and living shrubbery put forth new leaves, and the fruit trees and the lilac were adorned with flowers.
The deadly effects of the salt on vegetation might be traced twelve or fifteen miles inland; but gradually diminishing according to the distance from the shore. It having been a very dry season in this town, and the ground being very hard, but few trees were overturned, compared with what took place a few miles north, where the ground was softer, for there great havoc was made among the tall timber.

A singular phenomenon of frequent occurrence is noticeable in this town respecting the motion of thunder clouds, proceeding from the west.

The cloud advances over the harbor and approaches Fort Hill [now Beacon Hill] presenting a great and, in a dry season, a hopeful appearance of a refreshing rain. But presently it breaks* and then separates to the right and left; one part passing to the north of the village, and the other part passing down the harbor and across the south end of the town, pours down its refreshing streams upon the Sound. Sometimes no rain at all falls upon the plains east of the hill and at other times only a sprinkling from the skirts of the cloud. Whether the hill possesses a repulsive, or the water an attractive, quality that operates upon the cloud, is a question left to the wisdom of the reader to solve.

The town affords a few curiosities.

On an island in Stoney river there is a regular cavity cut into the granite rock, called the Indian Well.

It is from twenty-six to thirty-three inches in diameter, and very smooth, especially the bottom of it. It is now about five feet deep, but formerly was deeper.

When the dam below was built, some part of the rock was removed and much injured its natural appearance.

The water on both sides of the island passes through..

Old people who were not much in love with the pranks of the college boys, used to say the clouds parted over Yale College, because there was so much witchcraft carried on there

Here, there was found a large space paved with flat stones, all laid very evenly together.

Hughes thought he was disturbing an Indian burial ground.

But his father said they were Indian hearths where the wigwams had stood.

About 1840 Mr. Alfred Hughes unearthed a similar place northwest of his house. His grandfather, Mr. Daniel Hughes, gave the same explanation, saying they were where the Indians had their summer villages when they came to fish. In winter they went into the woods to hunt and for the convenience of fuel, and when they left, they covered the hearths with earth, so that no other Indians might find them and profit by their labor. In the summer they scraped the earth to one side, and erected their huts.

All the flat lands near the shore are plentifully flecked with broken shells, especially all around and west of the old stone house, now the site of the Chapel of the Epiphany.

 The Hughes family have given away to curiosity hunters, from time to time, many relics found on their grounds.

One, a very curious old spoon, still in the possession of the family, some experts think was one of the "twelve alchemy spoons" given to the Indians by John Davenport and Theophilus Eaton, when they bought the land of Momauguin.

It is not copper, or brass or iron; yet it seems to be a composite of metals, hence called alchemy..

The statement has often been made that the European man has greatly wronged the Indians.

This may have been the case in many places, but after a candid and careful search of town and Indian records, the facts stand out in bold relief that this charge cannot be sustained against the Connecticut and New Haven colonies; particularly the New Haven Colony, which in their first purchase of Momauguin, rights of land, and protection from other hostile tribes, were secured to them by the Davenport and Eaton treaty.

The Indian reservation seems to have been kept intact, as originally laid out.

In 1679 a proposition was made to purchase some land of the Indians near Mr. Gregson's farm, "if the Indians were willing to sell it."

 Due caution was advised, as the Quinnipiacs at that date (1680) numbered about 100 men, it was thought best not to sell their lands. In 1638 they numbered 46 fighting men and with squaws and children about 150 in all; but by living a peaceful life under the protection of the English they had increased now to over 300 all told. Between the years of 1680 and 1750 this Quinnipiac tribe was greatly reduced in numbers, occasioned by King Philip's War in 1675, the Canadian War in 1690, the Cuban Expedition in 1740, and the siege of Louisburg in 1745. In all these wars the Quinnipiac Indians helped to fill the quota of Connecticut. Some went as sailors, but most of them as soldiers. Disease and battle had thinned their ranks. In 1695 the General Court of Connecticut granted the town of New Haven the right to sell Indian lands. Nayhassatt, alias George Sagamore, sold to John Morris and others 18 acres in the old "Indian Field" near the old ferry. President Stiles says, "In 1720 there were between the ferry and Mr. Woodward's house twenty wigwams (old Indian village)." This section extended from Farren avenue south to Forbes avenue and the harbor. The Indians in 1725 living on the East side numbered about 20 in all.

In 1727 John, alias George Sagamore, son and heir to George, late sachem of New Haven, and James, Tom, Indians, sons of James, Indian, deceased, and Nimrod, Indian, and Jacob, Indian, being all the men of our tribe (1727 five only) belonging to New Haven, sold to John Morris several pieces of land amounting in all to 58 acres. In 1760 the Indian land in East Haven was occupied by only one Indian and three squaws. In 1745 James Meekyeuh, sachem of the East Haven Indians, died in Cheshire. His son James Mennau-yush died in Derby in 1758. Dr. Ruggles says in 1760 'there died in Guilford the only remaining man Indian between Saybrook and New Haven Ferry.'" The same year, Dr. Stiles says, "there was but one wigwam on the East Haven reservation, and that was occupied by a squaw, and her son 16 years old.

In 1769, the memorial of one Adam, an Indian, of a New Haven tribe of Indians, who had lived in Farmington some time, requested of the Assembly of Connecticut that the planting land reserved for said tribe in the parish of East Haven, which contained about 30 acres, might be sold, and the money received by the sale of such land be laid out in Farmington, for the benefit of said tribe; whereupon said Adam was empowered to make the sale; but he soon after died. In 1770 the last sachem of the Quinnipiacs, Charles, was frozen to death, near a spring about a mile north of East Haven meetinghouse.

In 1770 Samuel Adam, an Indian belonging to Farmington, one of said tribe, was empowered to sell the East Haven land to Capt. Timothy Tuttle, June 2, 1773. This Samuel Adam was the last one of the tribe remaining, who was at this time living with the Farmington Indians. The money for the land was expended in Farmington for Samuel Adam's benefit, which he had the Farmington authorities sell for his benefit, according to law, when he removed with his family into the Mohawk country. From the above we see that the rights and property of the Quinnipiacs were strictly preserved, and extended to them to the last man, by the New Haven Colony and parish of East Haven.

East Haven is not without its taint of slavery.

In common with many New England towns, slaves were owned in many families, as slavery existed in all the early colonies of the United States.

There was a great difference of opinion on the subject in those primitive times, as well as in more recent years. Connecticut passed a law of total emancipation in 1794, thus doing away with the evil forever in the "Constitution State."

The first record of slave ownership in East Haven was in the early part of the eighteenth century.

We find in a will of Joseph Tuttle, 1761, that he bequeaths "the house, shop and negro rooms at East Haven." He also mentions four negro men, "Richard, Bethuel, Cambridge and Reuben," and four women, "Dinah, Lucy, Statira and Axsee." Doubtless these were parents of children which are not named. These slaves ranged in value from £20 to £75.

The families owning the greatest number of slaves were John Woodward, Sr., Capt. Amos Morris, Jehiel Forbes, the Hemingways, Thompsons, Pardees, Chidseys and Smiths.

Even the saintly Street owned his Tom, who used to sometimes come to him and say, "Master, I wish I could be free!"

Street always replied:

"Well, Tom, you shall be free any day that you will sign a paper that I need not take care of you when you are old and can do nothing."

Whereupon Tom would roll his eyes, and whistle, going off grinning and shaking. He died in servitude in 1791, in the 57th year of his age. That Mr. Street had some qualms of conscience on the subject of slavery is very evident, from an extract from one of his sermons when he says, "While we abhor oppression as it comes upon us from the mother country, we may be harboring it in our own bosoms." Furthermore, he exhorts all to "a careful search and examination of all that has been written on the subject, in an impartial and disinterested way." Pink and her daughter Chloe, slaves of Isaac Forbes, were the last remnants of slavery dying in East Haven. Pink was a town charge for some time, dying after 1850. Below are a few names of slaves which have been gathered, showing their owners, their own names, ages and deaths.Owner. Age. Died.

Capt. Woodward Thate 70 1795
James Chidsey Flora 15 1805
Jehiel Forbes (Cork and wife, Sybil), Will, Caesar and others.
It has always been currently reported that Sybil declared her master's son, Dr. David Forbes, ate up her boy Caesar! The latter was sold to pay David's board bill while in college, hence her construction, which might have been true. Charles Bishop and Nathaniel Barnes owned Harry.
W1tchcraft 1n East Haven.

As John W. Barber in his "Historical Collections of Connecticut" thought best to give this subject space in his work, it may not be amiss to transcribe into this work the following, which he says is "a fair sample of witch stories, which were generally believed in ancient times."

"An old gentlemen was riding, one bright moonlight evening, through a very lonely place called Dark Hollow (a by-road which leads from East Haven to Fair Haven), when he saw two females at the head of his horse, very earnestly (apparently) engaged in conversation, and keeping pace with his horse. He was considerably excited and his feelings of fear aroused, as he had no doubt, that these were the famous hags, who were disturbing the peace of the land. He had, however, courage enough to speak to them in these words: 'In the name of God, I beseech you tell me who you are.' When, wonderful to behold, they immediately vanished. He got off his horse to look for them, but could find nothing but a riding hood, which lay where they disappeared."
"A short time after this event, the same gentleman was riding past one of his orchards, when there appeared to him to be someone shaking one of his apple trees, and a considerable quantity was falling to the ground. He went up to the tree, and the ground was covered with apples, which had just fallen, but there was no one to be seen, all was still as the grave."

The following is still more mysterious.

There was an old woman who lived not far from the neighborhood of this old gentleman, who was suspected by the neighbors of being one of these tormentors of mankind.

Their hogs would run about on their hind legs, and squeal as though they were possessed by legions of unclean spirits.

Their children would be taken sick and cry out 'that some one was sticking pins into them.' A member of one of the families would roll about the floor with great rapidity as though urged forward by some invisible power, and the members of the family had to keep an eagle's eye on the rolling gentleman, lest he should roll into the fire. When the neighbors made their bread, it was full of hairs, and their soap would run over their kettles, and fly about the floor like burning lava from the crater of Mount Etna. In the night large stones would tumble down their chimneys and break their cooking utensils, setting the whole family in an uproar. It appeared as though the powers of darkness had been let loose from Pandemonium to torment these neighbors. But not long after, these difficulties all ceased in a singular manner, i. e., one of the neighbor's pigs was running about on its hind legs as described, when a man who was noticing it jumped into the pen, and cut off one of its ears. The old woman mentioned always afterwards had one of her ears muffled. The neighbors were now satisfied that this woman was the cause of all their troubles. However, they thought they would say nothing or do nothing for the present but see how these things continued."

A short time after this, one of the neighbors was making potash beside the river, and it began to fly out, and run about so they could do nothing with it. They held a consultation, and concluded they would shoot into it with a rifle, which they did, and immediately there was a calm, and they were enabled to go on with their work and finish it. In the morning the neighbors went to the place where this woman resided, where they found her dead and thus their troubles ended. But it appears this woman was not the only suspected witch in the place. In an old lonely house which stood on the road leading to New Haven, lights were seen in the night; the sound of the violin and the noise of persons dancing, were heard by the inhabitants of the place around it, until they went to work day after day, pulling its clapboards off, until the house was completely destroyed to the joy of the inhabitants of the town. Nothing more of any consequence was heard of witches from that time.

In the French War of 1755, a number of men were drafted from East Haven for the English army near the lakes, and the greater part of them were lost by sickness and battle. Of these I have obtained the following names, viz.: Jacob Moulthrop, David Moulthrop, Adonijah Moulthrop, Jacob Robinson, Benjamin Robinson, Thomas Robinson, Jr., David Potter, John Mallory, Abraham Jocelin, Samuel Hotchkiss, James Smith, Samuel Russell and Stephen Russell, brothers, and Asa Luddington. Benjamin Russell was captured at sea.

In the War of Independence, which began April 19, 1775, the following persons were lost. In 1776, Elijah Smith was killed in battle on Long Island; Thomas Smith conducted a fire ship to the enemy, but was badly burned, and the attending boat having left him too soon, he had to swim ashore, where he was found three days after in a helpless state; he was brought over to Rye, and there he died. Nathan Andrews died a prisoner. In 1777 Isaac Potter perished in the prison ship. July 5, 1779, Isaac Pardee was killed on Grave or Fort Hill, by a cannon shot. In October, on board a privateer, Zabulon Bradley was killed. Richard Paul, Jacob Pardee, Jr., Asa Bradley, Abijah Bradley, and Elijah Bradley, were made prisoners and all, except the last, perished in the prison ship at New York the following winter. In 1780 Medad Slaughter died in the prison ship. In 1781 John Howe was killed by the tories, when they surprised Fort Hale. John Walker was killed upon Long Island.


Thus twelve young men were lost, and several men returned from captivity so injured by hard usage that they pined away and died—particularly Edward Goodsell, Isaac Luddington and Jared Hemingway.

On July 4, 1779, the enemy intending to capture New Haven, landed a covering force on Morris Neck and South End, and marched directly to Tuttle's Hill, where they encamped that night, and the next day reembarked. They were led by the tories. In this invasion they burnt most of the dwellings within their reach, and made the rebel whigs feel the effects of royal British vengeance.

To meet these losses and those of other towns of a similar nature, in May, 1792, the General Assembly of Connecticut passed an act appropriating "500,000 acres of land west of Pennsylvania, for the relief of the sufferers by fire."

The damage in each town was assessed, and the amount of each person's loss in East Haven was as follows:

Amos Morris, £1235 15 4
John Woodward, 838 17 3
John Woodward, jun., 740 19 11
Elam Luddington, 408 6 7
Joseph Tuttle, 79 9 5
Jacob and Abijah Pardee, 402 8 2
Jehiel Forbes, 173 13 i
Mary Pardee, 134 14 o
Mary and Lydia Pardee, 40 8 4
Noah Tucker, 99 17 4
Equal to $13,848.24.

They burnt eleven dwelling houses, nine barns, and some other out-buildings.

Gurdon Bradley lost £66, in a sloop that was burnt.

The enemy and the militia plundered the inhabitants of all they could carry off.

The whole of this loss was collected by the commissioners appointed for this purpose, and the amount was £421 1s. 4d. The entire loss of East Haven by this invasion in property was $15,251.79.

Since 1824 a very great change has taken place in the sentiment, interest and pride of ancestry of the Revolutionary patriots.

As East Haven was one of the historic places of the Revolution, and one whose inhabitants suffered more, in proportion to their numbers, than almost ony other place, as the British burned nearly every building on their line of march, besides destroying crops, slaughtering cattle and spreading ruin everywhere, it is thought advisable to give the occurrences a place in history. Besides, East Haven was one of the first places in Connecticut to be marked with a tablet erected on Beacon Hill in 1895 by the Sons of the American Revolution.

In fact, if the ladies of East Haven were so disposed, they could form a very respectable sized chapter of the D. A. R.'s within the limits of the little town with a fine record to each one. So, for the benefit of those who may succeed the present generation, and who may take pride in their noble ancestry, a more detailed account has been written. There may be some omissions of facts, which could not be gathered, but which might be of much interest. It is the regret of the writer that such may be the case.

On Sunday July 4, 1779,  the British invasion of East Haven occurred on Sunday, and as has always been the custom, the people proposed celebrating it on the following Monday.

It is within the memory of the older inhabitants that all New England observed Saturday night with great religious precision; but Sunday night was of a holiday nature. It was now the third anniversary of American Independence, and as New Haven had never celebrated this great event to any extent, it was decided that this year it should be fittingly observed; accordingly at "sundown Sunday" the people assembled in the middle brick church to make arrangements. Everything was decided about 9 o'clock, and the inhabitants were quietly retiring for their night's rest, when the booming of a signal gun announced the approach of the enemy, and instead of its being a day of celebration, it proved to be a day of defence.
It had been reported in the town, that a fleet was preparing for the eastward, from New York. Commodore Sir George Collier was commander-in-chief of all the British naval forces in American waters, rendezvousing in New York. It was supposed this fleet was destined for either Newport or New London, until they had passed Stratford and nearly rounded into New Haven harbor, which was late in the evening of July 4th. About midnight the whole fleet was at anchor, the large ships about a mile from Southwest Ledge Lighthouse. The smaller vessels came into the mouth of the harbor about 5 A. M., July 5th, which was then about high tide. The first division of 1,500 men and four field pieces landed at Savin Rock (West Haven) under Brigader-General Garth. As soon as the boats, which had landed the men on the west shore, returned to the transports, they were filled with British troops, and were rowing to the East shore, under command of General Tryon.

Morris Gove or Point had long been a coveted and objective place to the tories and British.

Long Island Sound was full of foraging and marauding parties, from the war ships generally commanded by a British officer, led by tories, who were well acquainted with the localities.

Cattle, sheep, and poultry were killed or driven off, houses broken into and robbed, and not infrequently heads of families captured and imprisoned.

Just before the invasion of New Haven, Amos Morris, of Morris Point, was one of the victims of a raid made on his place.

He and his son were awakened, and captured, taken to a boat in waiting, and conveyed to the British with little clothing to protect them from the night air, and finally lodged in one of the far-famed prison-ships, at that time the terror of all captured Americans.

"While on their passage across the sound, as daylight appeared, Morris recognized one of his captors as a man who had lived in the town of East Haven, and had been for a time in his employ. Turning to him with the same commanding air and tone of authority that he was wont to assume when occasion demanded it and which few men ever wielded with more effect, he exclaimed, 'And is it you, J! What do you mean, sir, by this treatment?'

The tory, cowering at the captain's rebuke, replied, 'You shan't be hurt, Squire, you shan't be hurt.' 'Hurt,' retorted the squire, 'What do you call such treatment as this?Dragging a man from his bed, in the dead of the night, tearing him from his family, plundering his house, exposing him, half-clad, to the air of the cold night, in an open boat, is this no hurt, sir?' His son, taking courage from this bold tone, and seeing its effect, cast his eye upon the plunder, and discovered among it his father's coat, and threw it to him in the other end of the boat. It was a time of more than ordinary solicitude on the part of the son for his family, his wife being in delicate health, and profiting by the lesson of his captors, he availed himself of a dark night to effect his escape. The effort cost him many perils and hardships, but was in the end successful. Captain Morris was subsequently liberated on his parole." [Morris Gen.]

The British now pulling oar for the shore were about 1,500 men, composed of the 23d Regiment, the Hessian, Landgrave, and King's American regiments and two pieces of cannon.

As soon as the boats were within range, the fieldpiece, which a company of East Haven patriots had hauled to the beach at Morris Point and was masked, opened fire.

When half a mile from shore, the line of boats divided, one division putting into Morris Cove.

On account of the well-served battery of three guns on Black Rock Fort (now Fort Hale) they were compelled to land near where the Grove House wharf is now built.

Tryon it appears landed here, and from the top of the Palisades directed the storming of the Rock Fort.

The other line of boats landed on the beach east of the outer rocky point, and as it landed, an officer hailed the shore, shouting, "Disperse, ye rebels!" and the next moment fell back into the boat dead, from the fire of this detachment, who were armed with rifles. This was the first enemy killed on the East shore; he was Adjutant Watkins of the King's American regiment.

As soon as life was extinct, they buried him near the light house.

In fact that is what they did with all those killed on the East shore.

It seemed to be their object to conceal their loss from the patriots as soon as possible, and their dead were buried along their line of march.

The main body after forming on the beach and throwing out skirmishers, one party going along the Fowler Creek meadows, east side, and the other along the beach, protected by a section of marines and sailors in Morris Cove, took up its march.

As the advance guard of this division approached the Morris mansion, they were frequently fired upon, and this grand old manor house, built of stone, was the first to be consigned to the flames, together with the barns and all other buildings.

When the alarm guns called to arms, great fear and consternation seized all, aS it was evident that rapine and murder would mark every step. The first thing to be done was to send the women and children, with what valuables could be best collected and transported, to a place of safety. Those who possessed horses quickly saddled and loaded them with bags of household goods, while others filled oxcarts with the same, driven by the mothers or older children, while the fathers and older sons seized their guns, to go forth to harass and annoy the enemy.

The time of preparation was so short that many heard the whistling of bullets from the guns of the enemy. The experience of one family is nearly the same of all those fleeing to some place of supposed safety. "Captain Morris and his men made every effort to secure such loose or movable property as could be conveyed to secret places in the short time allowed for such work. Some were hidden in ditches, some in a bushy swale, and some were carried to the woods whither the stock had been driven, excepting the swine, which took fright at the discharge of muskets, and breaking out of the sty took shelter in a field of rye. They remained at the house as long as prudence would permit, securing the property. His last act before leaving was to spread a table with refreshments and luxuries for their entertainment, with the hope of rendering them more favorably disposed toward himself, and thus saving his buildings.

Being now about to leave he cast a glance out of the door, and saw a company of redcoats, within a stone's throw, advancing towards the houses. 'They are upon us,' he exclaimed; and with his hired men made their retreat under cover of the house, until they gained a stone wall. By this time the house was no longer between them and the enemy and a rapid fire was immediately opened upon them. The stone wall protected them, until they reached a pair of bars in the wall; as they passed this, they were greeted with a shower of bullets, but escaped all injury. One of the balls struck a rail just above Mr. Morris' head and grooved out its center.

The rail remained in its place on the farm till 1845, when that portion showing the mark of the ball was placed with the Connecticut Historical Society in Hartford.

He now escaped into the woods just beyond, and finally joined his family. His house, barns, and buildings for the manufacture of salt and cider, and for storing goods, were burned, inflicting a loss of more than £1,235.

A short time after the war, Morris had occasion to visit the state prison, and to his surprise discovered among the prisoners the man who betrayed him at the time of his capture by the British.

'What! is it you, J?' he exclaimed, 'and have you come to this?' Not another word was spoken; but calling to mind the noble revenge prescribed in the gospel, he drew from his pocket a golden coin, and saw the tory brush away a tear as he received it." [Morris Gen.] This same fellow was engaged in a raid on the house of Capt. Ebenezer Dayton, in Bethany, Connecticut, with five others, headed by a British officer, five of whom were caught, tried, convicted and sentenced to Newgate prison.
The march from the Point to the Palisades was rapid and destructive. The Pardee houses, and one belonging to the brother of Captain Morris were fired, and destroyed; Jacob Pardee's house was held for a short time as Tryon's headquarters. The Pardees had barely time to throw into an oxcart their valuables, which they buried in Bridge swamp, a few rods northeast of Jeddy Andrews' house. The enemy destroyed everything in their wake; but several of them had fallen and were hastily buried in the thick woods just off the road.

The earthworks on Beacon Hill and at Black Rock Fort were the only obstacles that this powerful land and sea force had to oppose them. The enemy did not get possession of the Rock Fort until its brave defenders had expended all their ammunition.

The fort was stormed by Tryon's land force, and at the same time their shipping drew up and attacked it from the harbor. The fort had only 19 men, under the command of Lieutenant Bishop, and three pieces of artillery, yet was defended as long as reason or valor dictated, and then the patriots spiked and dismounted the guns, and retreated northward, but were outnumbered and captured, when not far distant. Everything in the Cove was now in blazing or smoking ruins, and the advance guard of the main body was marching up what is now Townsend avenue, a road of only two rods width thickly set on each side with bushes, stone, and in some places a Virginia rail fence, forming an excellent covert, from which the patriots were firing on the enemy with much execution.

The next house after leaving the Cove was Joseph Tuttle's, standing opposite the present Townsend homestead.

Tuttle owned the farm extending from Black Rock to Beacon Hill, which he sold to the Townsends in 1709.

Tuttle and his eldest son, Josiah, a lad not yet seventeen, were in the fort defending it.

Both were now prisoners of war.

His son was a regularly enlisted soldier, having joined Captain Phineas Bradley's company when only sixteen years and four months old.

The British on both sides of the harbor were led by Joshua Chandler's sons.

William Chandler led those on the West side, and Tom Chandler, those on the East side.

Chandler was acquainted with Tuttle and knew the ground well, having hunted it over, often, with the boys on the East side.

On coming to his house, Chandler told the officer this was Tuttle's house, and pointed him out.

The officer told Tuttle they would burn his house and everything surrounding it, if he would not lay down his arms, and promise he would not take them up again.

He replied:

"Not forall the gold in the British kingdom."

A shout rang out,

"Run the rebel through."

He raised his right hand high above his head and said,

"By all the laws of civilized warfare you are bound to protect your prisoners."

The officer then asked,

"What are you fighting for, anyway?"

"God and my right," was his reply.

The same shout rang out the second time.

The officer, waving his sword, said,

"No, you cannot do that; that is the King's motto, and you cannot do it, but he will get his rights in the old hulk Jersey."

Our troops were forced back step by step.

Some of the East Haven patriots had fallen back on the road east of Prospect Hill; others remained with the main body, fighting and disputing every inch of the way, and keeping up a galling fire upon the British from bushes and hedges in front and flank; and from this point there was continual slaughter until the earthworks on Beacon Hill were carried.

The patriot forces were about equally divided, some in the road, and some in the fields, keeping back the skirmishers and sending an occasional volley into the advance guard, always with effect. There were two fieldpieces, under the gallant Lieutenant Pierpont; these would open a raking fire, and then be rapidly hauled back by the brave patriots, and then moved to a new position, each shot making a swath through the ranks of the invaders.

The Tuttle house, barns, outhouses and fields of ripened grain were now in a fierce blaze.

On the site of the present residence of Mr. Asa L. Fabrique, the British met with a severe check.

 At this point was a clump of bushes and towards the road a brush hedge.

About 40 of the patriots masked themselves behind this hedge. Below, our troops were hard pressed, as the enemy's cannon were better served, and it was decided to make one more stand, fire, and fall back up the road to the intrenchment on Beacon Hill, where they had sent their cannon. As the enemy followed, the party behind the fence were to welcome them with a shower of leaden hail, and then fall back to the hill. The stand was made when the enemy were midway between the Mitchell and Townsend houses.

The order was given to fire, which they did with considerable effect. A general stampede took place as agreed upon; but Adam Thorp of North Haven said "he would not run another step for all Great Britain."

 He loaded and fired his piece and the next instant fell, pierced with many bullets.

He was the first one of the patriots killed from the East side, of whom we have any record.

Afterwards the spot was marked with a stone thus inscribed:

 "Here fell Adam Thorp, July 5th, 1779."

His great-grandson, Sheldon Thorp, says he was buried in North Haven.

This check brought the whole division to a halt, and after the smoke had cleared away, the patriots were seen retreating toward the hill, and the division advanced at double quick. The advance guards had passed the patriots in the bushes, when Captain Bradley said, "Wait till you see their eyes, then fire and run." This was done with great effect.

The street was strewn with killed and wounded.

The patriots, who fell back to the hill, were pursued by the British in hot haste; they lost one of their field pieces, but the other now opened upon the enemy, causing them to halt under the depression of the hill, out of range, a few rods north of Mr. E. J. Upson's residence.

There lying flat on the ground, out of harm's way, they rested, till reinforcements came up; the hill was stormed, the patriots falling back, some northwards towards the ferry, others to the heights, and to Lake Saltonstall.

The fighting on the East side was now practically over, but the burning and devastation by the British continued to the water's edge.

The dead were many, buried in the rye lands on the west side of the road, north of the Tuttle home; the spot being burned over, the locality of the graves was not discovered.

Many wounded soldiers were seen being taken to the boats, and carried on board the fleet, and it was supposed that the dead were removed, in order to hide their great loss.

The next house north of the Tuttle house was that of John Woodward, Sr., which they burned, with all the out-buildings.

The site was where the old Woodward mansion stands, now owned by C. Edward Woodward.

Tryon made Beacon Hill his headquarters, sending one detachment north to Turtle's Hill (now the site of the reservoir of the New Haven Water Company) and another to the lower ferry, now called Tomlinson's bridge.

The next house on the line of march was that of John Woodward, Jr. (the site of the present residence of Collis B. Granniss), which they also burned.

After pillaging and burning this house, their march was towards the lower ferry, kept by Henry Freeman Hughes.

 His house was directly opposite the brick residence of the late Samuel Forbes, on what is now Samuel Forbes's avenue.

It happened at this time that two of Mr. Hughes' sons, John and Daniel, had gone into the country to Simsbury, to visit their brother, who had removed thither a year previous.

Their object was to see the country with the intent to each buy a farm if sufficiently pleased.

On the alarm of the approach of the British, his only daughter, Abigail, and John's wife filled bags of the valuables of the house, and placing them on a horse, fled to the woods, where they remained over night.

This took the remaining horse, and left nothing to propel the scow ferry boat. The enemy came rushing on to the ferry. Mr. Hughes was alone with his invalid wife, who was a cripple, and had not walked a step for years. She was greatly alarmed, and fearing she would be taken and killed persuaded him to desist from his purpose of fleeing.

The advance guard rushed into his fields of grain and corn, trampling and destroying both.

They broke open and scattered his flour and sugar, pitched his pork about with their bayonets, and let out his molasses and rum till his cellar was shoe deep with the mixture.

They also abused him, one soldier piercing his ear with a bayonet.

When the officers came up, while the blood was still trickling down on his shoulder, he went out and asked protection.

They said: "Are you a friend to King George?"

 He replied, "I am."

Then they told him no further violence would be done, and placed a guard around his house.

From this circumstance, his brother-in-law, Joseph Tuttle, before mentioned, called him a tory, which the family justly resented and denied.

Mr. Hughes did not keep a store, but like many other men in the maritime towns of Connecticut was interested in West-India shipping, and he kept staple groceries and provisions on hand, for his own use, and the accommodation of those who did not wish to cross the ferry to New Haven.

 His house always afforded accommodation for those who desired it, when prevented from crossing by adverse winds or tides; or, having spent the day in travel, wayfarers would pass the night with him before entering the city.

Jehiel Forbes' stone mansion was the next place upon which the British wreaked their vengeance.

After breaking and destroying everything possible, they burned out the interior, leaving only the blackened walls of this beautiful home.

The next house to be destroyed was Elam Luddington's — a new house just completed, standing on the site nearest the water's edge on the north side of the road.

Luddington was the fourth heaviest loser by this invasion.

The next and last house to be destroyed was Timothy Tuttle's, standing on the shore south of Forbes avenue where a small stone house now stands.

The walls of this house were stone, so it was not entirely destroyed.

Timothy Tuttle was a brother of Joseph Tuttle.

Gurdon Bradley of East Haven had a sloop lying at a wharf in front of Timothy Tuttle's house, which they also burned.

They had now reached the water's edge, and there was nothing more they could burn and destroy.

Every house and building from Morris Point to Tomlinson's bridge had been swept by the flames, excepting the Hughes house, which they now made officers' quarters.

Tryon sent a detachment to occupy the village of East Haven, but the enemy's advance only reached the stone meetinghouse, which they ransacked for plate, and then fell back to the hill, near the present residence of L. F. Richmond.

Several shots were exchanged between the patriots and British, for when the old Bradley house (the site of the present Levi Bradley home) was taken down, many bullet holes were found in the timbers.

When the patriots retreated from Beacon Hill they were pursued in hot haste by some British skirmishers, and Chandler Pardee, a son of Mr. Jacob Pardee, was shot on the fresh meadows, a ball entering one lung, and he was left on the field for dead. Soon after he was taken to the Governor Saltonstall house, where Dr. Hubbard extracted the ball, and he recovered to tell the story while a prisoner in New York, to the same party of soldiers who had left him dying, as they supposed, on the field.

Not far from the place where Pardee fell lived Samuel Tuttle, who with his neighbours had marched to meet the foe.

Satisfied the day was lost, he returned home and started with a cart load of household effects to conceal in a quarry, east of the Pardee's or upper ferry, near the home of William Day. While Tuttle and Day were storing away their goods, the Chandler Pardee pursuers passed Mr. Tuttle's house, which they set on fire. Mrs. Tuttle rushed out with her children into the tall grass. She saw the regulars aiming their muskets, when she called to her children "to lie down in the grass, and say their prayers, as they had but one minute to live." The next instant the whole volley went over their heads. The pursuers passed on, and the neighbors put out the fire with water from the brook. This party made a circuit of the peat meadows and, coming back, found Day and Tuttle, and made them prisoners. They slaughtered Tuttle's cattle; Day being an Englishman, they permitted him to escape, after he had shown them a spring of water, in the rear of Mr. G. E. Lancraft's house, saying, "When I am drinking, I can't see all that passes." Tuttle was carried to New York, where he was paroled after six months.

The detachment sent to what is now Reservoir Hill found the fieldpiece used on Beacon Hill; this the patriots had hauled there on their retreat, fired a number of times, but finally spiked and rolled down the hill into the bushes near Mr. Roswell Lancraft's house, now called Burwell street. This was sent on board the fleet. This detachment busied themselves with roasting an ox on the hill in the evening, which was distributed among the different corps. On the site of the present N. W. Kendall mansion, forty different animals were slaughtered, with pigs and poultry in great abundance, all of which were sent on board the fleet. After the enemy had left, Mr. Isaac Pardee took from this hill the sheep and cattle skins and had them tanned. The detachment sent to Ferry Hill, now near Quinnipiac bridge, seemed to destroy little, as there was only one house on the line of their march; and for some reason they did not burn that which is still standing, on South Quinnipiac street, No. 332, for the last sixty years known as the Goodyear house.

The condition of affairs in the harbor at a little after two o'clock in the afternoon when General Tryon reached Beacon Hill was about this.

A line of British ships lay anchored the whole length of the bay, with springs on their cables, and guns run out on both sides, ready to belch forth fire and destruction as soon as the expected order should be given to fire the town. General Tryon kept chiefly on the East side; but crossed over to New Haven before sunset, holding a council of war with General Garth and Commodore Collier. The council now found their losses in officers and men had been heavy, and the patriots, better armed than they expected, had made a stubborn resistance; that the country around New Haven being hilly, it was not safe to go any farther inland for forage; that large reinforcements, with heavy cannon, were actually occupying high ground about the north part of the city and that the militia were coming in from all directions. The harbor was shoal, and many of the vessels at this time, 8 p. M., were touching bottom, and one large vessel did actually lie on her broadside guns, just out of water. It was decided to hold the north and west part of the town over night, with the balance of the tired and drunken soldiers, who were collected on the Green, having been commanded to lie on their arms all night. General Garth fearing his men would become too drunk to remain safe on shore, proposed to Tryon to go on board that night, but Tryon refused.

Affairs at 9 p. M. July 5th were in the worst possible condition, as the British soldiers were mostly all drunk and lying in the open air on the Green, surrounded by a few sober ones, who stood guard to keep them from getting more rum.

The officers were at a banquet at the house of Joshua Chandler, the father of William and Tom, who acted as pilots for the British. At one o'clock in the morning of July 6th the troops were ordered to parade, and the tories were notified of the departure. About forty people left with the British, the Chandlers among the number. It is well they did, for had they remained not one of the three would have lived to see the setting sun. The enemy was in a constant state of alarm, and were all concentrated within a hollow square of sentinels for the night. It has since been believed, that had the patriot militia known the state of things they could have come into town about midnight and made the whole division prisoners. The withdrawal of the British from the town has been described as partaking of the ridiculous—the drunken, reeling soldiers trying to keep in line, carts and wagons and even wheelbarrows being used to get them to the boats. Drunkenness has not been ascribed to the enemy on the East side, and certainly they did not appreciate, or appropriate, Mr. Hughes' rum, which they let out in his cellar with his molasses.

On the morning of the 6th of July they called in their outposts and the march of the main body began before sunrise.

Some of the troops went directly to the shipping, others who were sober enough crossed the ferry and joined General Tryon's division on Beacon Hill, and the whole body left the hill about noon Tuesday.

As the last boat shoved off from the East Haven shore, the Pardee house at Morris Cove, in which officers had been posted, was standing.

This boat was ordered back to fire the house, and every house from Morris Cove to lower ferry, except one in which officers had been quartered, was burned.

It seems that when the last ship left the pier, she fired several shots at the town, as a parting salute, while sailing down the bay, and as she was passing Black Rock Fort, which had been re-occupied by the patriots, as well as the earthworks on Beacon Hill, she rounded to and fired a whole broadside at the fort. Many balls bounded as far as Beacon Hill, one of which struck Isaac Pardee, aged twenty-two, severing his head clear from the body. He was just ascending the hill, on the street side, with Mr. Smith of South End, having gone to a spring to bring water. Smith says they heard the report of the firing; he turned with Pardee to look, saw the ball and dodged it but it carried away Pardee's head. Pardee and Thorp are the only ones of those who were killed of whom any record is given. Chandler Pardee of the East side was wounded but recovered. If there were any wounded or killed at Black Rock Fort, no record has been made of it, so far as is known. The estimate made of the enemy's losses during the invasion sums up two hundred in killed, wounded and missing. As to the missing, it is an established fact that many Hessians deserted and remained in New Haven, choosing honorable trades and becoming good citizens. There were certainly several of the British killed and wounded while landing, also others in the woods north of Morris Cove and back of Prospect Hill, where they were quickly buried. East Haven patriots said the loss was heavy after Thorp fell.

While widening Townsend avenue in June, 1870, this tradition of the slaughter was well sustained by the discovery of human bones.

These remains were proved not to be Indians by Dr. T. Beers Townsend, who was on the spot when the graves were opened, and who made a most careful examination. While the doctor was making a critical study of the bones, Capt. Charles H. Townshend thoroughly searched the graves with a spade, and was rewarded by finding a number of German silver buttons, about the size of a dime. Acopper coin was also found, about the size of an English half-penny, known as a stiver. It had a hole in the circumference, and was probably worn on a string around the neck.

On the face side is the motto, "Dominus Auxit Notnen" ("The Lord increased our glory"), in its center a man with a mantle about his loins, left hand on his hip, in his right hand a sword, drawn over his head, as if to strike. On the opposite side is a laurel wreath, with the word in the center HOLLANLIA. Dr. J. Edwards of Yale University, an expert, and the best authority, says this coin was struck off in Holland, a province of the Netherlands, between the years 1648 and 1795. A pompon socket of brass, bell-shaped, was also found. It had upon it No. 8 or 5, with these letters, D. M. A. U. X. The captain says, "These relics satisfy me that these were the graves of soldiers, of Tryon's division." He further verified this idea by subsequently "obtaining in an old print store in Paris, some colored engravings of the uniforms worn by the Hessian Landgraves, a regiment of which was a part of the second division of Tryon's army, which participated in the engagement on the East Haven Shore." March 22, 1879, tne captain made a visit to Europe, and in London made an exhaustive search of the records in the colonial office; obtaining much valuable information, and many copies of events and war correspondence, which had never been published in America.

To Capt. Charles H. Townshend the whole community is indebted for rescuing from oblivion the account of New Haven's invasion, historical as well as traditional, the latter supported and confirmed by records, from which copious extracts have been made, in this work, and to whom the thanks of the compiler are gratefully due.

The enemy's loss on the East Haven side was perhaps greater in proportion to the patriots killed and wounded than on the New Haven side.

The East Haven men were most excellent marksmen from long practice of hunting, and everyone carried his own often-tried Queen Anne musket.

They knew every inch of advantage ground and, with their long range guns, could keep but of the enemy's fire and do good execution, as they were fighting for their own hearthstone and families.

On the other hand, they were greater sufferers than those of New Haven.

Everything but the soil was destroyed; homes burned, crops destroyed, animals of all kinds killed, and destruction everywhere.

Who can describe the feelings of those mothers who fled for safety with their children, when they returned?

Not a shingle left for shelter, or a mouthful of food, save the little they took with them!

Everything in ashes, excepting the few household effects in the returning oxcart! Fortunately the weather was warm, and the devastation did not extend over the whole town, but a clean sweep was made as far as the enemy marched.

The present line of the street railway is mainly the same route that the British took from Morris Point to Pardee's ferry (now Quinnipiac bridge), through Ferry street to Neck bridge, at the head of State street, New Haven.

At that time this was the only bridge between New Haven and East Haven.

The earthworks on Beacon Hill and Black Rock Fort were quickly occupied, even before Tryon's forces reached the water, and a lively fire was kept up between Beacon Hill and the galleys as they passed out of the harbor.

This accounts for the numerous cannon balls and shot formerly plowed out in the fields on the East side. A garrison was still kept at the fort. April 18, 1781, a very thick foggy night, the British, led by tories who were acquainted with the locality, came in with muffled oars, surprised the garrison, killed the sentry, John Howe, and made the men prisoners. They then turned the guns towards the magazine, and setting a slow match, rowed off to an awaiting vessel. Mr. Joseph Turtle had always done coast guard duty at night at the fort, but this night he had a very sick child at home, who was not expected to live until morning, so he sent his second eldest boy, a lad about thirteen, in his place. He went out at daybreak, and glancing towards the fort, saw a small blue stream of smoke issuing from it; losing no time, as he reached the place the fuse had only a foot more to burn, when the whole magazine would have exploded and wrecked the fort. Seizing the fuse, he threw it into the water and thus saved the structure.

This time he had two sons captured, one eighteen, an enlisted soldier, and one thirteen.

He, immediately went to New York with a flag of truce, and with the aid of some English captains, whom he knew, succeeded in releasing his younger son. His older one, on account of his youth, was taken out of the prison ship and placed as a waiter to an officer, when he made good his chance, and escaped. He fled up Long Island, until he thought he was about opposite New Haven, where he hired out at gd. per day. He worked until he earned enough to buy cloth for a coat, which he cut out with a jackknife, and made it in a barn. Thus equipped he took a boat and rowed across the Sound, landing at the Lighthouse.

A garrison was kept at the fort until the close of the war. On October 19, 1781, General Cornwallis surrendered his whole army to Washington, which practically ended the struggle, although there was still some fighting, but nothing of note occurred. The British held for two years or more the cities of New York, Charleston and Savannah. September 3, 1783, a treaty of peace was signed at Paris, which conceded all that the Declaration of Independence had proclaimed; and the new nation, now called "The United States of America," took its place among the nations of the earth.

No doubt there are many interesting incidents connected with the fleeing women and children if they could be collected, and yet the experience of one is typical of all. In the writer's family, at the present time, is a silver tablespoon, which was buried on what is now the Townsend farm by Mrs. Joseph Tuttle, in a large iron kettle, used to boil sea water to make salt, which had become scarce during the late years of the war. She took the money of the house in one hand and her silverware in the other, saying, "I will bury one and take the other, maybe I can save one"; as it happened she saved both. They packed this great kettle full of valuables of the household, and buried it among the currant bushes. They then drove off in the oxcart, with her six children, one a babe in arms, to the woods in the north part of the town, where they all passed the night. Here they stayed until the departure of the British, who took with them her husband and son as prisoners from Black Rock Fort. No mention has ever been made of robbing and abusing women on the East side, because they all fled out of the way.
The British had stationed a signal corps on Prospect Hill, directly back of the Townsend home, out of which the next day the commander and two of his men were picked off by Capt. Jedediah Andrews and some of his neighbors. The morning of the 6th a very dense fog hung over the land, and Mr. Andrews and others crept along under cover of the bushes, and picked off each his man, while they were roasting a sheep for their breakfast. Their remains were buried at the foot of the hill, and for a long time a large red boulder marked the place.

The following story has often been told, among other reminiscences, of an East Haven Bradley, and Captain Townshend gives it as coming from an old Mr. Pinto who saw it.

"While sitting in his door, a finely-dressed officer in red uniform came riding down Elm street, and turned up State, toward Grove. Just then a Mr. Bradley, from East Haven, came from a direction which is now Grand avenue, on horseback, with loaded musket, all primed. Seeing the officer, he levelled his piece and fired. The officer dropped off his horse and Bradley rode up to him, took the officer's sword, and gave him several cuts over the head. He then took the officer's horse, and on his own rode out of town." The officer crawled into a yard, where some of his comrades found him.

Very little, if anything, has been related about tories in East Haven and it is doubtful if there were any; if there were, they were in no way active.

Henry F. Hughes' second son was a tory.

He was a merchant, residing in New Haven, and persisted in selling tea. Complaint was entered against William Glen and Freeman Hughes, Jr., and both were cited to appear before the committee of the Continental Association. Glen pleaded guilty and begged to be restored to favor; but Hughes would not appear to make his defense, whereupon the evidence was called and sworn:—
"On motion voted that the evidence is sufficient to convict Freeman Hughes jun. of a breach of the association, by buying and selling Tea:—and ordered that he being advertised, that no person have any further dealing or intercourse with
him."
Joh'th Fitch, Chairman,
  Test, Peter Colt, Clerk.

When the British left New Haven, he with his wife and two children went with them.

So bitter was the feeling of the family that they never afterwards would hold any communication with him or his family. And so strongly did his brother, Daniel Hughes, feel on the subject that he would never allow a dust of tea in his house. Although he lived to be 83 years old, dying in 1842, and was married three times, yet none of his wives ever enjoyed a cup of tea at his table. Being a man of means, and a very hospitable one, he set an abundant table, to which everyone was welcome, but tea was conspicuous by its absence. "Had disgrace and trouble enough with the stuff," he always said. Chocolate was his substitute at the evening meal. Mr. Hughes' store of goods was either destroyed or removed to the vessels in the harbor, probably the latter. His real estate was confiscated, and the whole transaction brought much financial trouble upon the family.

It has often been asserted that rum saved the city of New Haven from the flames.

No doubt it was quite a factor in the matter, but the real savior was Col. Edmund Fanning, who was a son-in-law of General Tryon, and commanded the King's American regiment.

He was a graduate of Yale, having spent four years in New Haven, and was well acquainted with tory and patriot.

Then too, perhaps, he possessed the "Yale spirit," which could not see his Alma Mater destroyed. His influence, coupled with that of some influential tories, saved the city.


The first mention of the site of Fort Hale, which was a bold trap rock of basaltic formation, was in 1657.

It was then thought to be useful for defensive purposes, and the records show it was made a coast guard station in 1659, mounted with "great guns."

The Black Rock Fort of the Revolution was constructed early in the year of 1775 on this site, and manned with cannon made in Salisbury, Connecticut.

Although the site is considered of no defensive use at the present time, yet in the Revolution it did good work in keeping off plundering and foraging parties from the warships constantly moving up and down the Sound.

Its capture in 1779, and subsequent history, has been related in the invasion of that date. After the close of the Revolution in 1783, these fortifications were dismantled, save a gun or two, and allowed to go to ruin.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, when the war cloud was threatening Europe, the idea was originated, in our own land, of fortifying the whole Atlantic coast of the United States, and money was voted in 1808 by Congress to erect a new fort on this ancient site for the defence of New Haven Harbor.

In 1808, the United States government ordered a battery to be built on the site of the old Black Rock Fort at New Haven, as the channels had deepened there. The fort was to hold six guns, the barracks forty men; $6,295 was paid by Congress for the fortification in 1809. Reported in December, 1811, as an elliptic enclosure battery of masonry, mounting six guns, brick magazines, brick barracks for fifty men, and officers in a field outside the fort. At the commencement of the War of 1812, the fort was garrisoned with seventy-eight artillerymen and named Fort Hale. The garrison at this fort was at no time in a regular engagement, yet on several occasions it opened fire on British ships in the offing, and forced them to "haul off." During the time from 18121814, Commodore Hardy's British fleet of twenty sail were kept at bay by the guns of this fort. On receipt of the news of the Treaty of Ghent the guns of Forts Hale and Wooster proclaimed the glad tidings. They were the last guns ever fired from either place.

After the war, Capt. John A. Thomas was appointed custodian, residing with his family in the barracks and dying there in 1840. The barracks accidentally took fire and were burned in 1850. About 1855 Mr. J. A. Stock rebuilt the brick barracks, which he and his employees occupied while manufacturing was carried on in the vicinity. When the War of the Rebellion broke out, government took possession of the property, demolished the old fort and rocky promontory, cut a ditch through the rocks from the moat, and builta new earthworks fort, armed with Dahlgren guns, costing $125,000. This was built under the direction of Lieutenant Mansfield, United States Engineer, superintended by P. Ferguson and Hemingway Smith, the latter of East Haven. It was completed about the close of the war, but was never garrisoned. In 1867 the public property and tools were sold. The Farrel works of Ansonia, Connecticut, bought the guns, to be melted up for other purposes. The wooden barracks and buildings were shipped in sections to Newport, Rhode Island, and the whole reservation, later on, was imparked, by the consent of the United States, into Fort Hale Park.

East Haven had now obtained the long contested and much coveted desire to be a separate town, and it now settled down to its industries and pursued the even tenor of its way, dispensing its routine business of town affairs without friction or controversy.

The water bounds between New Haven and East Haven were settled in 1789.

The line is in the middle of Quinnipiac river and along the channel of the harbor to the sea.

In 1789 the town granted the owners of the salt meadows the privilege of building a dam across the Stoney river at the lower narrows.

The first account of any bridge building is in the year 1644, which was the first in East Haven.

In 1644 a bridge was built over Stoney river, on the road to Totoket, by William Andrews, for which he charged the town of New Haven £3 8s. gd.

The first improvement to present itself in connection with New Haven after the separation was a bridge over the Quinnipiac river at some convenient point for both towns. A committee was appointed to oppose it, but without effect.

The people considered the days of ferries were numbered. After due deliberation and an agreement with New Haven, the two towns decided to locate the bridge where one has ever since been maintained, at the corner of Quinnipiac street and Grand avenue, now known as The Grand street bridge.

The bridge was built in 1790.

On August 29, 1791, the town surveyed a road leading to the new bridge from what is now the Four Corners to North Haven line, now known as North and South Quinnipiac streets.

In order to reach New Haven before this, by team, they left Main street at Peat Meadow road, and followed round to the East side, where the reservoir now is, through present Burwell street to Russell street, thence through that rough, crooked road to Fair Haven. Probably this was an old Indian trail, which formed the basis of many of the winding roads in New England.

The bridge was opened as a toll bridge.

This was very distasteful to the people of the neighboring towns, and others, who absolutely refused to pay toll.

Samuel Davenport was appointed to show cause why the people of East Haven should not pay toll to the bridge.

After much altercation the remonstrance came to nothing.

A little time after, one very dark rainy night, the toll gates disappeared and were nevermore found.

The public benefactor who carted off the gates was generally believed to be a daring young farmer in the neighborhood; no inquiry was made, however, by either town, and the bridge was forever free.

The ferries were now abandoned.

In 1796 a grant was made by the General Assembly for a bridge at the new or lower ferry, to Enos Hemingway, Stephen Woodward and others.

This has always been known as Tomlinson's bridge, named from the man who contracted to build it.

"16th Feb. 1797. At a Proprietors' meeting, granted to Enos Hemingway, Stephen Woodward and company, of the bridge, the flats, 187 feet in width, from the landing where the lower Ferry hath lately been kept, running westward to the channel, on which a bridge of 27 feet in width is to be built on the centre, and the remainder for the perpetual use of the company for wharves, stores, &c. so long as the said bridge shall be built and be kept in good repair."

This bridge was built by shareholders and kept as a toll bridge until 1889. Through the strenuous and long-continued efforts of Mr. Alfred Hughes, commencing in 1872, it became free January 1, 1889.
Second Grand Street Br1dge.

About 1855 the Grand-street bridge needed so much repairing it was considered best to contemplate and prepare to erect a new bridge.

No definite action was taken until November 24, 1858, when a special town meeting was held and it was voted "To appoint a Committee to confer with a Committee appointed by the Town of New Haven relative to building a new bridge in Fair Haven. George Hultz, James C. Woodward and Samuel T. Andrews were appointed that committee." After viewing different bridges, and obtaining much information on the subject, they made a lengthy report in favor of Whipple's iron bridge.

On May 3, 1860, a pecial Town-meeting voted to build a new bridge in Fair Haven, over Quinnipiac River, to correspond with that portion of the bridge to be built by New Haven.

Voted, William H. Shipman, Wyllis Hemingway, and Charles A. Bray be and they are hereby authorized a committee with full power and authority to contract for, and in the name of the Town of East Haven in connection with New Haven, one of 'Whipple's Iron Bridges.'" (E. H. Town Rec.)


In 1871 agitation commenced respecting building another draw bridge over The Quinnipiac river. May, 1872, the legislature passed an act to build a bridge over Quinnipiac river.

Dec. 5th, 1872. Voted, "That the three Bridge Commissioners required by the act of the General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, passed at its May session 1872, are hereby appointed by ballot, viz: Edward A. Mitchell 1st Commissioner, E. Edwin Hall 2nd, and Edwin Granniss 3rd Comm.
Sept. nth, 1873. The Commissioners appointed reported concurrent action with the City of New Haven, in locating said bridge, and have prepared plans &c. for the building of the same, so that the City of New Haven and Town of East Haven can enter contracts for building said Bridge.

Therefore resolved that Edward A. Mitchell, E. Edwin Hall and Edwin Granniss are appointed a Committee on the part of the Town of East Haven to jointly contract with the City of New Haven for the construction of said Bridge." (E. H. Town Rec.)

Proceedings were not rapid, but the work was commenced, and October 4, 1875, the selectmen were authorized and empowered to borrow money on the credit of the town, such sums to complete the new Quinnipiac bridge and approaches.

The bridge was completed in 1876, and bonds issued.
Dyke Br1dge, Farm R1ver.

On March 18th, 1876, it was voted that the sum of $2,250 be appropriated to pay for East Haven's portion of said bridge, and approaches.

The Selectmen are instructed and authorized to lay out and work the highway leading from the plains road to said bridge, and assess benefits and damages. Voted to pay E. Ellsworth Thompson $200 to satisfy his claim of damages." (E. H. Town Rec.)

On July 25, 1876, at a special town meeting the condition of the stone arch bridge was taken into consideration, and a committee appointed by the chair, consisting of Alfred Hughes, Willet Hemingway and Timothy Andrews, to consider what was best to be done about the stone arch bridge.

On July 31, 1876, Alfred Hughes, chairman of the committee, reported that it was the unanimous opinion, that there was no other way but to rebuild the stone arch bridge.

It was in a very dangerous condition, the sand had washed out five feet under the abutment, and that it hung shelving with danger of falling any day.

Voted, "The Selectmen be authorized and instructed to build a bridge, with 28 ft. in the clear, the foundation to go down to solid rock. The work to be done as soon as possible, also given power to contract and receive proposals for the same." (E. H. Town Rec.)

On Oct. 7th, 1878, it was voted that the Selectmen cooperate with New Haven in building a new bridge at Lewis Bridge, and a sum not to exceed $2000. be appropriated." (£. H. Town Rec.)

On May 23rd, 1004 it was voted that the Selectmen cooperate with the selectmen of Branford in building the draw bridge at East Haven River and Farmer River.

As this bridge was ordered by the United States Government, there was no other way than to comply with the demand.

The village of Fair Haven grew very fast after the bridge was built, and within a few years had a large trade with the surrounding towns, and was a very busy place.

Horace R. Hotchkiss had one of the largest and best stores for dry goods and groceries in the county, and carried on an extensive trade.

The town had shared its municipal offices and honors with the village equally.

It was the custom to alternate the representative to the legislature with each part of the town, and village, but the seat of government was at the center of the town.

About the year 1840, the daughter, like many another precocious one, concluded it was time for the mother to resign the reins of government into the hands of the daughter. Accordingly a town meeting was called to remove the seat to Fair Haven.

This caused a tremendous buzzing in the hive, and everyone was at white heat with spread wings. So sure were the Fair Haveners of success, that they brought with them a set of colors and a band of music, concealed in a wagon.

The old town arose, and shaking her locks, roared forth a healthy No!

So the Fair Haveners went home a sadder but a wiser people and thus saved their colors and music for a better occasion.

This experiment was never tried again.

In 1857 the town was divided into two voting districts: East Haven proper was First District and Fair Haven was Second District.

This was for general elections, but all business and special town meetings were held in East Haven.

Until 1841 East Haven had no place for miscellaneous public gatherings.

The first town meeting was held in the stone meetinghouse but that was an extra occasion, and dignified with a sermon by its pastor.

There is no account that this was repeated.

According to Episcopal rules, their churches being consecrated can only be opened for religious purposes.

Previous to 1841, town meetings were held at private houses. While Josiah Bradley was the "Squire of the town" they were held in his house, in a very large old room, said to have been used as a meeting place before the first meetinghouse was built in 1706. The site of the house is where the Bailey house now stands. Afterwards, town meetings were held in the unused bar room of the old Gurdon Bradley tavern, in the center of the town, subsequently the home of Mr. Ruel Andrews. He was a man much in public affairs and so opened, his house for the good of the public. The town did not see its way to aid in the matter, so a few public-spirited men concluded to remedy the want by building a town hall by stockholders at $15 per share. Not that they expected it to be a paying investment, but for a public convenience, as some of the younger men declared they would not vote in "Aunt Molly Gurdon's kitchen" any longer. It was a proud day for East Haven when the first town meeting was held in the town hall in 1842.

Jan. 10th, 1866. Voted, "That Bradley Pardee and Charles A. Bray be and are hereby appointed as a Committee to purchase in the name and behalf of the Town of East Haven the Town Hall property, so called. Provided it can be secured on reasonable and judicious terms." (£. H. Town Rec.)

The property was secured to the town. April 30, 1864, Deacon Ruel Andrews passed away, in the 18th year of his town clerkship. He was a manof unusual enterprise, industry and integrity, holding the higher offices of church and town. East Haven had only two town clerks in the 58 preceding years.
At the next annual town meeting, Charles A. Bray was chosen town clerk. Mr. Bray's residence and business were in Fair Haven, so of course the town records had to be removed there. This caused a twinge of regret to the older men of the center, but as it was a square deal, and Mr. Bray was popular in both sections of the town, the ripple on the surface soon smoothed out, and all went harmoniously along to the end. East Haven still held the supremacy. The next most important event was the annexation of the western part of the town to New Haven, in 1882, when the ancient and more modern archives of the town were carted back to the center for all time.
C1rcumstances Lead1ng To Annexat1on.

We have now seen that between the years of 1860 and 1880 East Haven had built, either in part or wholly, FIVE BRIDGES.

Some were very expensive, particularly The Quinnipiac draw bridge.

During the Civil War, East Haven kept up her quota of men to the full, and was liberal to her soldiers. The extra war debt and extensive bridge building brought the town very heavily in debt. Some parts of the town desired more improvements than the town felt justified in making under the existing circumstances. After much deliberation between the two towns, a decision was reached, whereby New Haven would assume and pay East Haven's debt* provided the western portion was annexed to New Haven, * The whole indebtedness was over $200,000. thereby giving New Haven the control of the harbor, and waterfront (of which East Haven owned the lion's share), also other considerations favorable to East Haven residents in the western part.

At this time, Dwight W. Tuttle, afterwards state senator, was East Haven's representative in the legislature.

He introduced this bill in the House of Representatives, and it was referred to the Committee on Cities and Boroughs, which reported adversely. Whereupon the town of East Haven immediately called a special town meeting, April n, 1881. An overwhelming number was present, so much so that a motion was made to adjourn to the street for lack of room. The house was divided, resulting in 286 votes in the affirmative and one in the negative.

Voted, "The proceedings of the meeting signed by the Chairman, and certified to by the Clerk of the Town, with the seal of the Town affixed, and that one copy be transmitted to the President of the Senate, and one to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and one each, to the Chairman on the part of the Senate and House, of the Committee on Cities and Boroughs. Voted, A Committee of five be appointed to report the result of this meeting to the Legislature now in session, viz: Hiram Jacobs, George H. Townsend, Leander F. Richmond, H. H. Strong and A. L. Chamberlain, also Dr. H. E. Stone be added." (E. H. Town Rec.)

Annexation of the Western part of East Haven to New Haven.

A special Town Meeting of the Electors of East Haven was held first Monday of May, 1881, for the purpose of voting upon the acceptance of an act of the General Assembly of this State passed at the January session of 1881, providing for the annexing of the Western part of the Town of East Haven to the Town of New Haven, and for the division of the property of said Town, and the payment of its indebtedness, and certain other matters, more particularly referred to in said act, and reference is here made to said act for more particular description of its provisions.

By the terms of said act, before its takes effect, it must be approved by the Electors of East Haven, in the manner therein provided.

The Electors of East Haven, living in that part to be annexed to New Haven, by the provisions of said act, will meet and vote in the Engine House of the Borough of Fair Haven, East.

Those living in the remaining portion of said East Haven will meet in the Town Hall, in East Haven.

The meeting will be open at each place at 6 o'clock in the morning; the vote will be by ballot, the polls will be open at six o'clock A. M. and close at one o'clock p. M.

Ballots with the word "Yes" will be counted in favor of the acceptance of said act.

Those with the word "No" against the acceptance of said act.

The part proposed to be annexed to New Haven is described as follows.

All that part of East Haven, lying westerly of a line commencing on the dividing line between the North Haven and East Haven, at a point 1600 ft. E. of the east side of N. Quinnipiac St, where said street crosses said dividing line, thence running southerly in a straight line to a point 300 ft.  due E. of the south side of Hill St., where said sreet intersects with E. Street, thence running southerly in a straight line to a point on the main road running E. and W. from New Haven through East Haven Centre, 400 ft. E. of the East side of a road running N. and S. where said North and South road intersects said E. and W. road near the house of D. A. Bradley, thence in a southerly direction to the JUNCTION of Mile Creek with Morris creek, thence Southerly following the centre of Morris creek to its mouth in Long Island Sound, thence in a due southerly line to the southern boundary of Connecticut.

Hudson B. Forbes J Selectmen
Samuel Ch1dsey t of the Town of
               John Chester Bradley ) East Haven.
Dated at East Haven

Apr. 25th, 1881.

"Pursuant to the above call, a special Town Meeting of the Electors of the Town of East Haven was held on Monday May 2nd 1881, for the purpose of deciding by ballot, the ratification, or rejection of House Bill No. 334 passed at the session of the General Assembly, January term 1881, to which reference is made for particulars, the result of the meetings named in the two other places specified in said bill, is as follows:

Whole number of votes cast in that portion of the Town, NOT to be annexed to the Town of New Haven: 132

Vote in favor of Annexation: 123

Opposed to Annexation: 9

Report of the result certified to by
Jonathan Dudley (Moderator). Vote in that portion of the Town to be annexed to
the Town of New Haven:
Whole number of votes cast 386
Vote in favor of Annexation 301
Opposed to Annexation 85
Report of result certified to by
Martin Allen (Moderator).
  Received and recorded
May 2nd, 1881 By A. L. Chamberla1n,
Town Clerk. (£. H. Town Rec.)

East Haven was now free from debt, with no costly bridges to maintain and many long and expensive roads taken off her hands.

There was no annoying rivalry of any part of the town, as Foxon and South End (the shoreline) were always loyal to the old town.

True she had lost about 1/3 of her territory, but that was the most expensive part to manage, and she still had the full use of all the roads and bridges without expense.

There was nothing now for her to do but settle down to the march of improvement, and keep abreast of the times, which the foregoing history proves she has done with a will.

In 1889 a water tank was located at the northwest corner of the public square.

June 1, 1892, the whole center of the town was stirred as it never was before, when the store of C. C. Kirkham and the town hall were burned to the ground by an incendiary. Fortunately the safes with the records were saved. An occasional barn in different localities had been burned before, with greater or smaller loss.
June 25, 1892, a special town meeting was held in the basement of the Congregational chapel.
Voted, "To appropriate from the Town Treasury a sufficient sum of money for the purpose of building the Town Hall." Voted, "If desirable to build said building of suitable size for use as a Public School building, as well as Town Hall." "To appoint a Committee composed of taxpayers and property owners to superintend building the same." Voted, "To lay a tax to cover the expense of the same." Adjourned to July 16th, 1892.
"The report of the Committee appointed, accepted and Committee discharged with thanks." Voted, "The Selectmen procure estimates and plans of a building, to be used as Town Hall. Dimension 35 x 50 ft." Adjourned to July 30, 1892.
Voted, "The Selectmen procure plans and specifications and bids, and cause to be erected a building to be used as a Town Hall, without basement, on the same foundation as the old one. Cost not to exceed $2000."

August 13th, 1892, a special town meeting was held and former vote of $2,000 was rescinded, and a vote of $3,000 was passed. Same dimensions. After several special town meetings, pro and con, were held, it was definitely decided at a meeting held October 3, 1892, that a town hall should be built.
Voted, "That a committee of three be appointed to superintend the erection of a Town Hall." Voted, "That Henry T. Thompson, Albert Forbes, and H. Walter Chidsey, be appointed that Committee." Voted, "That the Committee be instructed not to exceed the sum of $3000 in building said Town Hall. To give the contract to lowest bidder." Voted, "That that person to whom the contract is awarded be instructed by said Committee to proceed immediately and finish the Building as soon as possible. Voted, "That the Selectmen are hereby instructed to borrow, on the credit of the Town the amount sufficient to complete the Town Hall."

Thus the second town hall was erected and finished.It is a noticeable fact in the history of East Haven people, from the earliest days to the present time, that they are an argumentative community but by no means a quarrelsome one. Let a question arise which is to be decided bv the voice of the people, they will agree to disagree, then disagree to agree. This sounds paradoxical, but it is true. A meeting will be called, and a vote will be taken favorable to the object.

This is wherein they agree. Within a few days another meeting will be called to rescind the first vote. This is wherein they agree to disagree. After the question has been tossed to and fro, through a series of meetings, with prolonged debate, and sometimes heated discussion, the vote of the first meeting will be sustained, and they now all settle down to harmony as before. This is where they disagree to agree. They are strictly a peace-loving and law-abiding people. They may have their petty animosities and neighborhood jealousies, but they never have quarrels which end in litigation like many of the neighboring towns. Law suits between the native born are very rare, a thing almost unknown. True, in settling estates and in various other technicalities of the law, counsel is necessary, generally, to settle points of law involved. In 1866, when the present senior resident lawyer was admitted to the bar, and decided to make East Haven his residence, one of the sages of the town deplored the event seriously; remarking, "Now the peace of the town will be gone, for no greater calamity could befall a country town than to have a lawyer settle in it." But the good man lived to see four of his townsmen full-fledged lawyers, residing in the town at the same time, all in practice, and the whole town as calm and unruffled as a mill pond in a May morning.

The subject of temperance has always received its share of support from the people.

Various temperance societies have arisen and flourished in their day and generation.

East Haven has often voted "No license," and were it not for the various seashore resorts, would be a "dry town"; as it is, license is only voted by a very small margin.

Even cider, which was so very prevalent and abundant at one time, is scarcely seen in the homes of the people to-day.

East Haven has always been called, socially, a very democratic town, which in a sense is true.

But at the same time many family clans have felt their distinctive superiority, arising from one cause or another, yet they all met on the same general plane.

The social customs of the town have kept pace with the changing times.

In the days of spinning spells, quilting bees, and singing schools, they generally ended in a dance—particularly the two former. It may be a query how the sons and daughters of such strict puritanical parentage ever learned to dance.

Youth will have its pleasures and amusements, whether by tacit consent, or more direct opposition.

In the first quarter of the last century, there were very few young people but well knew the stately minuet and the Scotch reel, to say nothing of the more familiar "money musk," "felicity," and a score of other dances.

There was no "calling off" in those days; each one knew his or her part and kept step and time with the music.

Every old hostelry had its spacious ball room, with spring floor, and balls were very common through the winter months.

Eli Whitney's invention of the cotton gin relegated the flax spinning wheel to the garret about 1830, but the great or wool wheel held on, with waning success, for about fifteen years longer, when that went to keep the former company.

Spinning spells were merged into church sewing societies, conducted under a president and officers similar to the present day, only the meetings were at the homes of the members, as there were no public meeting places.

The neighborhood "tea drinkings" were very enjoyable affairs.

Perhaps a dozen ladies, with their sewing and knitting, would assemble about two o'clock and after tea the gentlemen would join them; light refreshments or fruit were passed around in the evening, and a general good time followed.

Then in the winter there would be one or more general sleigh rides, according to the amount of snow.

The whole town would turn out—heads of families as well as young people.

They would go to some good public house or hotel, and have a supper, and the young people a dance. The good matrons would take to the parlors, with their "wine sangaree," while the fathers were busy with their "eggnog," and the youngsters were dancing in the ball room.

Frequently some of the fathers would slip out and be found dancing with their prospective daughters-in-law—living young days over again.

All would enjoy a bountiful supper and have a really good time.

In the summer there were barbecues at the head of Lake Saltonstall, and sailing parties down the East Haven and Farmer rivers in Mansfield's Grove.

Wherever such gatherings were held, the inner man was bountifully refreshed.

In Connecticut and all over New England, the Lord's Day began according to the Hebrew manner, at sunset Saturday night, because "the evening and the morning were the first day," and ended Sunday at sunset.

No sooner had the sun disappeared, than out came the spinning wheels, knitting kneedles, spooling reels and quill wheels; so much work had to be done by the female portion of the household that not a moment was to be lost.

Sunday evening was also a time for recreation, especially with the young men.

Hence arose the practice of the youngsters doing their "courting" Sunday evening. Although the law was very strict, forbidding any young man to inveigle or draw the affections of a maid without the consent of her parents or guardian, yet he probably knew of some family where he might meet a young lady with whom he had exchanged glances, from the opposite gallery of the meetinghouse, during the day, without opposition from her elders, and oftentimes was treated to the best the house afforded.

The story has been told of a very shrewd matron in East Haven, who had more than a half-dozen girls to marry off.

The young men knew that if there was one among the number of callers who was distasteful to the good dame, there would be no refreshments forthcoming; but if all were acceptable, in a little time the smell of hot doughnuts would greet their olfactories, as she always kept the dough on hand to boil as occasion required.

Whether it was the hot doughnuts, cheese, etc., or not, all her girls were successfully mated.

East Haven was not without its appreciation of music: for as early as 1752 it was voted, that Mr. Heminway shall name the Psalm in public; Nathaniel Barnes shall tune the Psalm, and in his absence Jacob or Isaac Goodsell.

The following extracts from the town records will speak for themselves:

On Feb. 5th, 1798 it was voted, that Capt. Hemingway & Joseph Hotchkiss be appointed for to employ a singing master, two months for to teach a singing school in this Town, and to draw the money out of the Town Treasury, to pay the singing master for his service.

In Jan. 1801 it was voted, Joseph Hotchkiss and Zebulon Bradley be a Committee for to lay out $12 as they shall judge best advantage to increase the singing. Voted, that the Treasurer be directed to pay to the Committee $12 out of the treasury, and in addition to the $12 as much as they have expended, for the support of said school."

On March 18th, 1805 it was voted that Eleazer Hemingway, Asahel Bradley, Zebulon Bradley and Samuel Barnes be appointed to superintend a singing school, and they, or the major part of them be authorized for to draw $15 out of the Town Treasury, to be appropriated and expended towards the support of a singing school in the town." (£. H. Town Rec.)

East Haven kept up these schools from time to time until 1819, called "Toleration year," when Connecticut's first constitution was adopted, abolishing the support of Congregational churches and its incidentals by taxation, thus making every denomination stand equal before the law.

East Haven was among the very first congregational churches to introduce instrumental music into their worship.

The instrument was a bass viol.

Isaac Pardee was the performer and chorister for forty or more years, carrying his "big fiddle" (as the children called it), carefully wrapped in a green baize bag, to and from the church every Sunday. 

Previous to this time musical instruments were debarred from all New England churches, as sinful and unchristian, and nothing was used in any of them but the tuning fork.

An organ in a church was a puritanical abhorrence, considered as an abomination of wickedness.

How time has mellowed down prejudices even in music!

East Haven people have always been ready to take advantage of every improvement in their business, as well as municipal affairs, as soon as opportunity offered.

When water mains were laid, pumps and wells were very generally discarded on the line.

Now there is scarcely a house but affords all the modern conveniences which water brings in its train.
So also with gas; wherever the pipes have been placed, gas is introduced and very few houses are without their gas cooking range, if no more.

Street lights sprang up as if by magic.

Main street is lighted from border to border of the town, and other streets as far as practicable.

The people also have kept pace with the social changes of the times, gay or grave.

In the forties, when the fashion of dances changed from the old-fashioned minuet, contra dances, etc., to quadrilles, cotillions and waltzes, East Haven had her dancing schools at the town hall.

An accomplished dancing master was employed and the course was twelve lessons, one a week, followed by a quarter ball.

These were by no means promiscuous dances.

 Each member had a limited number of tickets, which were distributed to selected friends, agreeable to the whole company, which eliminated every unpleasant feature, and rendered the whole more like an invited party.

These were followed by various temperance societies of their day, with weekly meetings, down to the present.