AZ

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza : La Conversazione – I Verbali: AZ

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Azeglio – Ossia: Grice e Azeglio: la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale -- non si danno doveri reciprochi senza società.  Prospero Tapparelli d’Azeglio (Torino, Piemonte): la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale -- non si danno doveri reciprochi senza società. Prospero Taparelli d’Azeglio and H. P. Grice converge on the idea that meaning in conversation is intelligible only against a norm of rational coordination, but they locate that norm at different depths and with different directions of explanation. For Grice, “reason-governed conversational meaning” is reconstructed from within the practice of talk-exchange: interlocutors are presumed to be cooperating toward a mutually accepted purpose, and from that presumption (the Cooperative Principle and its maxims) hearers can calculate conversational implicatures as rational inferences from what is said plus contextual assumptions. Taparelli, by contrast, treats the very possibility of reciprocal normative claims as prior to any individual exchange: “non si danno doveri reciprochi senza società,” so the space in which one can owe, claim, infer, and hold responsible is grounded in sociality itself, articulated in a natural-law framework (“diritto naturale appoggiato sul fatto”) and oriented toward an ethically loaded telos (the society that renders associates “onestamente felici”). Where Grice makes implicature a product of individual reason operating under publicly recognizable conversational norms, Taparelli makes conversational reason a local expression of a more basic sociability and subsidiarity: cooperation is not merely a convenient stance for interpreting utterances but a constitutive feature of association, with duties and coordinated action arising from the nature of rational beings in society. The passage’s suggestion that Taparelli is “Gricean at heart” captures a further point of contact: both reject a Rousseau-style contractualism as the foundation of cooperation, treating it instead as something natural (for Grice, a default rational posture of participants; for Taparelli, a fact about human social nature). Yet Taparelli’s appeal to “amore proprio” disciplined by broader benevolence (and, in the passage, a Benthamite tempering of Kantian rationalism) gives the Gricean picture a thicker moral psychology: self-interest is acknowledged as motivationally real but is meant to be harmonized within a wider principle of social good, whereas Grice’s framework stays methodologically lean, aiming to derive what is meant from reasoned expectations about contribution to a shared conversational end rather than from a substantive ethics of the common good. Grice: “When I started to deliver INDIVIDUAL (rather than joint) seminars at Oxford – as University Lecturer, hence, with sessions open to every member of the university – I didn’t know for what I ‘was bargaining.’ ‘Conversational’ became his motto – very much like A., back in the continent! I like A.; first he was a marchese, unlike me – second he looked for the fundamental law (or ‘fundamental question,’ as I call it) for the principle of cooperativeness – he finds it’s a natural thing, not a Rousseaunian contractualist thing, so he is a Griceian at heart. On top, he relies on Bentham, to minimise the Kantian rationalism and make it digestible to those who care about what A. calls amore proprio,– i. e. conversational self-love as still operating under a wider principle of conversational benevolence.” Dritto naturale appoggiato sul fatto. Termini chiave d’A sono socialità e sussidiarietà. All’ *onestà* tende la *natura umana*. *Ottener il bene* è negl’*esseri ragionevoli* un *divenir felice*, il fine della società è rendere gl’*associati* *onestamente felici*. La felicità dell’uomo consiste *secondo natura* nei beni di *mente* e di *corpo*. *Assicurarci* e *crescerci* queste beni è il fine naturale della società. Una società può o abbracciare tutto il fine naturale con mezzo particolare, col convivere stabilmente, o abbracciarlo parzialmente. Il *fine* particolare della prima è il *convivere* onestamente felice. Della seconda il conseguire quel particolare oggetto per cui ella s’associa. Una società *completa* abbraccia ogni obbietto naturale della umana società: il bene di mente, di corpo, e la difesa d’entrambi. La società è *mezzo*, non fine dell’individuo. Non si danno doveri reciprochi senza società. ius naturale, co-operare, fa il bene altrui, principio della socialita, applicazione del principio della moralità, natura umana, fatto,  definizione di società in termine di co-operare, more geometrico tendenzia impulso naturale all’onestà, società, azione esterna, esseri intelligente, convivir stabilmente. Grice: Azeglio, dimmi, se non c’è società, tu come fai a trovare qualcuno a cui assegnare doveri reciproci? Azeglio: Grice, è come cercare di giocare a scacchi senza avversario—non si muove nessuno e la partita resta in sospeso! Grice: Allora la felicità onesta, quella che nasce dal convivere, è una specie di premio di consolazione per chi decide di non vivere da eremita? Azeglio: Esattamente! Se l’uomo si ritira e si isola, finisce per discutere solo con se stesso—e magari si annoia pure. Grice: Ma tu, Prospero, preferisci la geometria naturale della società o quella un po’ più tortuosa dell’amore proprio? Azeglio: Oh, la geometria naturale è più facile: basta tenere dritto il compasso verso l’onestà, e se poi qualcuno gira il foglio, almeno si ride insieme! Grice: In fondo, co-operare è come condividere una torta: se la si mangia da soli, non si assapora la vera dolcezza; se si divide, si fa felice anche il vicino di tavolo—e la conversazione scorre meglio. Azeglio, Prospero Tapparelli d’ (1845). Degli ultimi casi di Romagna. Torino: Favale.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Azio – Ossia: Grice ed Azio -- Grex  griceiana – verbalia: Azio. The Atii, sometimes written Attii, was a family at Ancient Rome. The first of this gens to achieve prominence was Lucius A., a military tribune.[1] Several of the Atii served in the Civil War between Caesar and Pompeius. The gens Attia of imperial times may be descended from this family, although its members lived nearly a century after the more notable Atii, and are not known to have been related. None of the Atii are mentioned in history prior to the second century BC, and none of them ever held the consulship, but owing to its connection with Augustus, Vergil pretended this gens to be descended from Atys, a friend of Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, or one of the kings of Alba Longa supposedly descended from Ascanius.  The Atii mentioned in history bore the most common praenomina, including Lucius, Gaius, Marcus, Publius, and Quintus.  Branches and cognomina The only cognomina found among the more notable Atii are Balbus, Celsus, Rufus, and Varus, of which only Balbus appears on coins.[1] The Atii Balbi were from the city of Aricia.[4] The Venetian scholar Paulus Manutius conjectured that the family of the Labieni belonged to the Atia gens, which opinion was followed by some modern writers. However, Spanheim pointed out that there was no authority for this. Labienus is not found as the cognomen of any person named Atius, nor as a surname of any other gens, but is instead the nomen of a separate gens.[7][8]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Lucius Atius, the senior military tribune serving in the second legion during the war with the Istri, in 178 BC.[9][10] Gaius Attius Celsus, praetor around 65 BC, encouraged Cicero to take up the defense of Gaius Manilius, who had been accused of various misdeeds while tribune of the plebs the preceding year.[11] Gaius Atius,[i] of Paelignian birth, was a partisan of Gnaeus Pompeius, and had possession of Sulmo in the territory of the Paeligni in 49 BC. He surrendered to Caesar when the townsfolk opened the gates to Marcus Antonius, and was dismissed without injury.[12][13][14] Atius Rufus, an officer serving under Pompeius in Greece during the Civil War, suggested that the defeat of Lucius Afranius in Spain was due to the latter's disloyalty.[15] Publius Attius P. f., a senator by 39 BC, may have held an aedileship.[16] Atii Balbi Marcus Atius Balbus, the father of Marcus Atius Balbus, praetor in 62 BC, and great-grandfather of Augustus. Publius Attius P. f. (Balbus), a military tribune in 89 BC.[17] Marcus Atius M. f. Balbus, praetor about 60 BC, was the maternal grandfather of Augustus. In 59 BC, he and Gnaeus Pompeius were among the twenty commissioners appointed to allocate land in Campania. He may also have been governor of Sardinia.[4][18][19][20] Atia M. f. M. n., possibly an elder aunt of Augustus. Atia M. f. M. n., the second wife of Gaius Octavius, and mother of Augustus. After her husband's death, she married Lucius Marcius Philippus, who became consul in 56 BC. She died during her son's first consulship, in 43 BC, and was given a public funeral.[21][22][23][24][25][26] Marcus Attius Balbus, praetor by 44 BC.[27] Atia M. f. M. n., an aunt of Augustus, married Augustus' step-brother, Lucius Marcius Philippus, consul in 38 BC. Marcus Atius (M. f. M. n.) Balbus, possibly the uncle of Augustus, founded the municipium of Uselis in Sardinia about 38 BC, perhaps as governor of the province.[28] Atia M. f. M. n., possibly the cousin of Augustus, was the mother of the consuls Gaius Junius Silanus and Marcus Junius Silanus. Atii Vari Publius Attius Varus, one of Pompeius' loyal supporters during the Civil War, had been praetor and subsequently governor of Africa. He met with considerable success in the African campaign, and later fell at the Battle of Munda.[29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36] Quintus Atius Varus, a cavalry commander who served under the legate Gaius Fabius during the Gallic Wars. He is probably the same Quintus Varus who served under Caesar during the Civil War. He may be identical with a number of other persons referred to as "Varus" during this period.[37][38][39] See also Attia gens List of Roman gentes Notes  Or Gaius Attius Paelignus. References  William Smith, "Atia Gens", in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 405.  Vergil, Aeneid, v. 568.  Livy, History of Rome, i. 3.  Suetonius, "The Life of Augustus", 4.  William Smith, "Atys", no. 3, in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 418.  Fratantuono, Madness Unchained, [url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fD-rvelzdtgC&pg=PA147 pp. 147 ff.].  Spanheim, De Praestantia et usu Numismatum Antiquorum ii. 11, 12.  William Smith, "Labienus", in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. II, p. 696.  Livy, History of Rome, xli. 7.  Broughton, vol. I, p. 396.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 153, 157, 158.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, i. 18.  Cicero, Ad Atticum, viii. 4.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 270.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, iii. 83.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 466, 488.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 35.  Cicero, Philippicae, iii. 6; Ad Atticum, ii. 4.  William Smith, "Balbus", section IV, in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 455.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 183, 191.  Suetonius, "The Life of Augustus", 4, 8, 61, 94.  Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, ii. 59, 60.  Cassius Dio, Roman History, xlv. 1, xlvii. 17.  Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus, c. 29.  Plutarch, "The Life of Cicero", 44.  Appian, Bellum Civile, iii. 10.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 535.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 392 (as "Ateius"); vol. III (supplement), p. 26.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, i. 12, 13, 31; ii. 23–44.  Cicero, Ad Atticum, viii. 13b, 15, 20; Pro Ligario, 1.  Cassius Dio, Roman History, xli. 41, 42; xlii. 57; xliii. 30, 31.  Appian, Bellum Civile, ii. 44–46, 105.  Lucan, Pharsalia, iv. 713 ff.  Hirtius, De Bello Africo, 62, 63.  William Smith, "Varus, Atius", no. 1, in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, pp. 1229, 1230.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 228, 237, 260, 275, 290, 300, 310.  Caesar, De Bello Gallico, viii. 28; De Bello Civili, iii. 37.  William Smith, "Varus, Atius", no. 2, in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 1230.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 246, 283. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum; Philippicae; Pro Ligario. Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico (Commentaries on the Gallic War); Commentarii de Bello Civili (Commentaries on the Civil War). Aulus Hirtius (attributed), De Bello Africo (On the African War). Publius Vergilius Maro (Vergil), Aeneid. Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Roman History. Marcus Annaeus Lucanus (Lucan), Pharsalia. Lucius Cassius Dio, Roman History. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus (Dialogue on Oratory). Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus (Plutarch), Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans (Parallel Lives). Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, De Vita Caesarum (Lives of the Caesars, or The Twelve Caesars). Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Ezekiel, Freiherr von Spanheim, Disputationes de Usu et Praestantia Numismatum Antiquorum (Arguments concerning the Knowledge and Superiority of Ancient Coins), Rome, (1664). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952–1986). Lee Fratanuono, Madness Unchained: A Reading of Virgil's Aeneid, Lexington Books (2007), ISBN 978-0-7391-2242-6 Categories: AtiiRoman gentesRoman gentes of Latin origin For this gens, which Grice and Speranza spell 'Azio' -- we can have (I) a conversation between one and Vergilio as Vergilio espouses this theory (ridiculous) that the name derives from Ascanio's friend OR a king of Alba longa -- perhaps you can find passage where he Virgil says so in Latin -- (II) you second-best fit for a Grice-Speranza vignette from this gens. Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Azio – Ossia: Grice ed Azio -- Grex  griceiana – verbalia: Azio. This is a very nice gens for Speranza—because here the central phenomenon is invented genealogy, i.e. deliberate over‑reading of names, which is straight out of Grice (false but productive implicature). Let me give you:  (I) the Virgilian dialogue (with a genuine Virgilian hook) (II) the second‑best Grice/Speranza case and a short ranking    I. Conversatio: Azio (Atius) with Vergilius There is a real Virgilian passage (Aeneid V) where Atys appears (friend of Ascanius), which later tradition exploits to link the Atii to Trojan myth. We can use that as the springboard for your “ridiculous genealogy”.  Conversatio I ATIVS (1) “Vergili, audivi te nostrum nomen ad Troianos referre.” (Virgil, I hear you have traced our name back to the Trojans.)  VERGILIVS (2) “Atys erat iuvenis Ascanii comes—inde nomen ortum est.” (Atys was a young companion of Ascanius—hence the name arose.)  ATIVS (3) “Ergo ex amico principis genus nostrum deducis?” (So you derive our family from a friend of a prince?)  VERGILIVS (4) “Quidquid clarum est, ad originem detrahitur.” (Whatever is illustrious is drawn back toward an origin.)  +> that genealogical claims in epic are less about historical truth than about conferring prestige through associative narrative   Comment This is exactly your point:  the Atii:  historically modest gens   Virgil: → retrofits them into epic ancestry   Gricean mechanism  literal: “Atys existed” implicature: → “your gens shares that prestige”  But:  this is not asserted as history—only implied through poetic association    II. Second-best fit: Atius Varus (Civil War ambiguity) This is your best “real historical” Grice case.  The case  Atius Varus:  Pompeian commander active in Africa and civil war   sources: → fragmentary, partisan, inconsistent   Why this is Gricean Because:  everything about him must be reconstructed from partial reports   Mini‑dialogue MILES (1) “Varus Africam tenet et vincit.” (Varus holds Africa and is winning.)  NUNTIVS (2) “At Caesar dicit eum fugisse.” (But Caesar says he fled.)  MILES (3) “Quid igitur verum est?” (What then is true?)  NUNTIVS (4) “Quod narratur, ex parte est.” (What is told is only from one side.)  +> that historical narrative reflects the speaker’s perspective, not a neutral account of events   Why this is your second-best  conflicting reports partisan narration (Caesar vs Pompeians) forces reader to: → infer beyond the text    III. Ranking (Speranzian)                     RankCaseMechanism Virgil’s Atys → Atiiinvented prestige (poetic implicature) Atius Varuspartial narrative / perspectival truth   Final Speranzian synthesis  In the Atii, one finds both the poetic construction of ancestry and the historical instability of report: for Vergil connects the gens to a Trojan companion not by assertion but by suggestive association, thereby conferring dignity through implicature, while the historical record of figures such as Varus shows how narrative itself becomes partial and perspective‑bound, so that in both myth and history the meaning of a name exceeds the evidence on which it rests.    Ultra‑compact  Vergilius: nomen → nobilitatum per fabulam Varus: res → cognita per partem    Answer  Best fit: Virgil’s genealogical fiction (Atys → Atii) Second-best: Atius Varus (partisan narrative ambiguity)   If you like, we can now stage a “counter-dialogue” where a Roman grammaticus demolishes Virgil’s genealogy—very Livian in tone.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Azio – Ossia: Grice ed Azio -- Grex  griceiana – verbalia: Azio. Second-best fit: Atius Varus (Civil War ambiguity) This is your best “real historical” Grice case.  The case  Atius Varus:  Pompeian commander active in Africa and civil war   sources: → fragmentary, partisan, inconsistent   Why this is Gricean Because:  everything about him must be reconstructed from partial reports   Mini‑dialogue MILES (1) “Varus Africam tenet et vincit.” (Varus holds Africa and is winning.)  NUNTIVS (2) “At Caesar dicit eum fugisse.” (But Caesar says he fled.)  MILES (3) “Quid igitur verum est?” (What then is true?)  NUNTIVS (4) “Quod narratur, ex parte est.” (What is told is only from one side.)  +> that historical narrative reflects the speaker’s perspective, not a neutral account of events   Why this is your second-best  conflicting reports partisan narration (Caesar vs Pompeians) forces reader to: → infer beyond the text