Q

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Q

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quartinio – Ossia: Grice e Quartinio -- Grex griceiana -- Quartinio The gens Quartinia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens are mentioned in history, but a number are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Quartinius belongs to a class of gentilicia formed from other names, typically ending in -inus, suggesting the cognomen Quartinus, a diminutive of Quartus, fourth.[1] Quartus may have been an old praenomen that had fallen out of use by historical times, but continued in use as a cognomen. The feminine form, Quarta, was regularly used as both praenomen and cognomen.[2]  The greater number of Quartinii are known from inscriptions from various parts of Gaul, and other northern provinces, suggesting that the family was of Gallic origin. At least two of them were associated with the temple of Mithras at Virunum in Noricum, one in the late second century, the other early in the fourth, indicating the family's long residence there.  Praenomina The only praenomina associated with the Quartinii are Lucius, Marcus, and Titus, all of which were among the most common names throughout Roman history.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Quartinius Castresus, son of Quartinius Optatus, buried in the family sepulchre at Rome, aged seven years, one month, twenty-seven days.[3] Quartinia T. f. Catullina, dedicated a tomb at Salinae in Alpes Maritimae for her parents, Titus Quartinius Catullinus and Lucillia Materna, and brother, Quartinius Maternus.[4] Titus Quartinius Catullinus, husband of Lucillia Materna, and father of Quartinius Maternus and Quartinia Catullina, buried at Salinae.[4] Quartinius T. f. Maternus, son of Titus Quartinius Catullinus and Lucillia Materna, was a soldier in the fourteenth urban cohort, buried at Salinae in a tomb dedicated by his sister, Quartinia Catullina.[4] Quartinia Mitani, wife of Aurelius Primitivus Cularo, named in an inscription from Gratianopolis in Gallia Narbonensis.[5] Quartinius Optatus, a veteran, built a sepulchre at Rome for himself, his son, Quartinius Castresus, and Flavia Myrtala, perhaps his wife.[3] Quartinia Paterna, wife of Marcus Mogovius Bredo, who dedicated a tomb for her at Nemausus in Gallia Narbonensis.[6] Marcus Quartinius Paternus, the son of Avitianus, named in a libationary inscription from Brigantio in Alpes Maritimae.[7] Lucius Quartinius Primus, named in an inscription found at Riva del Garda, formerly in Venetia and Histria.[8] Lucius Quartinius Quartus, named in a dedicatory inscription from the temple of Mithras at Virunum, dating between AD 182 and 184.[9] Marcus Quartinius M. f. Sabinus Remus, a soldier in the praetorian guard, named in a libationary inscription from Rome.[10] Titus Quartinius Saturnalis, standard-bearer of the thirtieth legion, named in a libationary inscription from Colonia Ulpia Trajana in Germania Inferior, dating to AD 239.[11] Quartinius Tacitus, named in an inscription from Rome.[12] Quartinius Ursinianus, curator of the temple of Mithras at Virunum, after its restoration in AD 311.[13] Quartinia Virana, named in a libationary inscription found at Fino Mornasco, formerly part of Cisalpine Gaul.[14] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, p. 126.  Petersen, "The Numeral Praenomina of the Romans", p. 349.  CIL VI, 32894.  CIL XII, 65.  CIL XII, 2227.  CIL XII, 3851.  AE 1971, 241.  AE 1991, 841.  AE 1994, 1334.  CIL VI, 46.  CIL XIII, 8625.  CIL VI, 2407a.  CIL III, 4796.  CIL V, 5689. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII (1897). Hans Petersen, "The Numeral Praenomina of the Romans", in Transactions of the American Philological Association, vol. xciii, pp. 347–354 (1962). Category: Roman gentes and from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quartinio – Ossia: Grice e Quartinio -- Grex griceiana – Quartinio For the Quartinii, the material is much thinner than for the Propertii or Publicii, but one figure stands out immediately: Grice e Lucio Quartinio Quarto (Lucius Quartinius Quartus), who appears in an inscription from the temple of Mithras at Virunum. [GREXv2 | Word] Why him? Because his name is almost a philosophical joke. We have:  Quartinius Quartus  that is, roughly:  "Mr. Fourth, son of the Fourth-family."  The nomen itself derives from Quartinus, a diminutive of Quartus ("fourth"). [GREXv2 | Word] A Gricean immediately asks:  Fourth of what?   Grice e Quartinio Speranza:  Cur Quartus appellatur? (Why is he called Quartus?)  Grice:  Nescio. (I do not know.)  Speranza:  Quartus quid? (Fourth what?)  Grice:  Frater? Filius? Antecessor? (Fourth brother? Fourth son? Fourth predecessor?)  +> The numeral presupposes a comparison class.  This connects rather nicely with Grice's later observations about incomplete descriptions. A Roman hears:  Quartus  and silently supplies:  +> fourth child  or  +> fourth surviving son  or something of that sort. The designation is incomplete without contextual supplementation. The name Quartinius Quartus, by contrast, immediately raises questions about:  naming, presupposition, contextual completion, the interpretation of numerals.   The vignette Grice:  Quartinius Quartus. (Quartinius Quartus.)  Strawson:  Quartus cuius? (Fourth of whom?)  Grice:  Ecce quaestio. (There is the question.)  Strawson:  Nonne nomen completum est? (Is not the name complete?)  Grice:  Grammatice fortasse; informationaliter minime. (Grammatically perhaps; informationally no.)  +> Every ordinal secretly asks: "fourth among what?" That seems to me the most naturally Gricean theme in the otherwise rather elusive gens Quartinia. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quartinio – Ossia: Grice e Quartinio -- Grex griceiana – Quartinio A second candidate: the Mithraic connection The dossier notes two Quartinii associated with the Mithraeum at Virunum:  Lucius Quartinius Quartus in the later second century, Quartinius Ursinianus in the restoration of the temple in AD 311. [GREXv2 | Word]  That gives us a rare continuity. Speranza:  Quid reliquerunt Quartinii? (What did the Quartinii leave behind?)  Grice:  Nomina et dedications. (Names and dedications.)  Speranza:  Satisne est? (Is that enough?)  Grice:  Historicis saepe satis est. (For historians it often is.)  +> A few inscriptions sustain an entire family history.  Why not the soldier or the veteran? The soldier Quartinius Maternus and the veteran Quartinius Optatus are interesting, but they do not generate a distinctively Gricean puzzle. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quarzio – Ossia: Grice e Quarzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quarzio The gens Quartia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens appear in history, but several are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Quartius is a patronymic surname, derived from the cognomen Quartus, fourth. There may at one time have been a praenomen Quartus, but it was not in general use in historical times, except in the feminine form, Quarta, which was regularly used as both a praenomen and cognomen.[1]  Members Quintus Quartius, dedicated a tomb on Maiorica in Hispania Citerior to a woman named Scaraotia, aged twenty.[2] Sextus Quartius, dedicated a tomb for Martia, a freedwoman buried at Carpentoracte in Gallia Narbonensis.[3] Quartia Aphrodisia, mother of Quartia Herois.[4] Titus Quartius Crescentinius, named in a funerary inscription from Lilybaeum in Sicily.[5] Quartia Herois, daughter of Quartia Aphrodisia, wife of Marcus Publius Posidonius, and mother of Publius Flavianus, buried at Arelate in Gallia Narbonensis, aged twenty-two.[4] Quartia Irvatilla, buried at Massilia in Gallia Narbonensis.[6] Titus Quartius Masculus, named in a funerary inscription from Lilybaeum.[5] Quartius Quietus, made a libationary offering to the gods at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium in Germania Inferior, in AD 252.[7] Gaius Quartius Quintinus, dedicated a tomb for his friend, Gaius Apisius Zosimus, and his wife, Romogillia Festa, at Nemausus in Gallia Narbonensis.[8] Quartius Reditus, made a libationary offering to Nehalennia at Ganventa in Gallia Belgica.[9] Quartia Saturnina, dedicated a tomb at Mogontiacum to her husband, Marcus, a veteran of the twenty-second legion, and her son, Januarius.[10] Quartia Secundilla, a freedwoman, and wife of Quartius Ulpius, named in a funerary inscription at Lugdunum in Gallia Lugdunensis.[11] Gaius Quartius Secundus, a soldier in the thirteenth legion, named in a funerary inscription from Rome, dating to the second century AD.[12] Quartius Ulpius, freedman of Primitivus, and husband of Quartia Secundilla, buried at Lugdunum.[11] See also List of Roman gentes References  Petersen, "The Numeral Praenomina of the Romans", p. 353 and note 24.  CIBalear, 111.  CIL XII, 1204.  CIL XII, 869.  CIL X, 7239.  CIL XII, 457.  AE 1981, 660.  CIL XII, 3415.  AE 1973, 363.  CIL XIII, 11861.  CIL XIII, 2308.  CIL VI, 2619. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). Hans Petersen, "The Numeral Praenomina of the Romans", in Transactions of the American Philological Association, vol. xciii, pp. 347–354 (1962). Cristóbal Veny, Corpus de las Inscripciones Baleáricas hasta la Dominación Árabe (The Balearic Inscriptions up to the Arab Conquest, abbreviated CIBalear), Madrid (1965). Category: Roman gentes and from this gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quarzio – Ossia: Grice e Quarzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quarzio For the Quartii, I think the first-best Grice–Speranza vignette is not a particular person but the name itself. Grice e Quartio The whole gens derives from:  Quartus = "fourth". [GREXv2 | Word]  And immediately we get the same puzzle we had with the Quartinii, but in a purer form. The Roman problem Speranza:  Cur Quartus appellatur? (Why is he called Quartus?)  Grice:  Quia quartus est. (Because he is fourth.)  Speranza:  Quartus quis? (Fourth what?)  Grice:  Ecce quaestio. (There is the question.)  +> Every ordinal presupposes a comparison class.  Unlike primus ("first"), which may suggest excellence, quartus is intriguingly opaque. A Roman hearing:  Quartus  would naturally wonder:  fourth son? fourth child? fourth surviving child? fourth bearer of the name?  The numeral itself does not tell you.  A Strawsonian exchange Grice:  Quartius Quartus. (Quartius Quartus.)  Strawson:  That is hardly informative.  Grice:  Why not?  Strawson:  Because "fourth" requires a series.  Grice:  Excellent.  +> Ordinals are incomplete without a background ordering. But if I had to choose just one vignette: Grice e Quartio Quarto Grice:  Quartus.  Strawson:  Fourth?  Grice:  Yes.  Strawson:  Fourth among whom?  Grice:  Exactly.  +> The hearer must supply what the speaker leaves unsaid. That seems the most characteristically Gricean feature of the whole gens: a numeral that only becomes meaningful once context fills in the missing comparison class. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quarzio – Ossia: Grice e Quarzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quarzio A second candidate: Quartius Reditus There is also a charmingly Gricean name:  Quartius Reditus. [GREXv2 | Word]  Reditus means:  return, restoration, coming back.  A name like that almost begs for conversational reconstruction. Speranza:  Why is he called Reditus?  Grice:  Because somebody returned.  Speranza:  Who?  Grice:  The inscription does not say.  +> The name preserves a story while omitting the story.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quarzio – Ossia: Grice e Quarzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quarzio A third possibility: the friend I rather like:  Gaius Quartius Quintinus, who erected a tomb for his amicus, Gaius Apisius Zosimus, and his wife. [GREXv2 | Word]  The word:  amicus  (friend) is one of those beautifully underspecified Roman terms. Grice:  He says "friend."  Speranza:  And what does that mean?  Grice:  Anything from affection to politics.  +> The stronger the social bond, the less precisely it is described.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quattromani – Ossia: Grice e Quattromani: la ragione conversazionale, le conversazione, e la la meta-fora come implicatura conversazionale in Catone, Virgilio ed Orazio  Sertorio Quattromani (Cosenza, Calabria): la ragione conversazionale, le conversazione, e la la meta-fora come implicatura conversazionale in Catone, Virgilio ed Orazio. Grice’s theory of reason-governed conversational meaning explains how hearers move from what is said to what is meant by treating conversation as a cooperative, purposive activity constrained by rational expectations (relevance, adequate informativeness, sincerity, and clarity), so that metaphor, indirection, and “saying less” generate conversational implicatures that are in principle inferable, cancellable, and sensitive to context. Quattromani, as you frame him, belongs to an Italian humanist and rhetorical lineage in which ragionare is already close to conversare and where translatio is not decorative surplus but a disciplined means of access: the speaker transfers an evaluation (“you are my pride and joy”) into a domestic image (“you are the honey in my wine”) so that praise can be conveyed with measure, tact, and social intelligibility, much as Telesian natural philosophy is “restricted in brevity” and rendered in Tuscan to circulate beyond the learned Latin public. The comparison, then, is that Grice supplies an explicit inferential model for why Quattromani-style figurative praise works in conversation (the hearer assumes cooperation, notices the deliberate choice of an apparently gastronomic predication, and rationally reconstructs the intended compliment as an implicated proposition), whereas Quattromani supplies a rhetorical-philological account of why such transfers are culturally apt and ethically effective (they let affect travel without posing, they align with classical exemplars in Cato, Virgil, and Horace, and they treat linguistic form as a civil instrument). In Gricean terms the “honey in my wine” move exploits the hearer’s rational capacity to recover a non-literal speaker-meaning under shared conversational norms; in Quattromanian terms it exemplifies the older art by which conversation and metaphor are already fused, with reason showing itself less as an abstract calculus than as the practiced social intelligence of choosing a form that can be received. Grice: “My father used to say, ‘Forearmed is forwarned, now I know he was causally referring to Quattromani!” -- Keywords: Catone, Petrarca, Virgilio, Telesio, Orazio. Filosofo italiano. Cosenza, Calabria. Essential Italian philosopher.  It can be said that Sertorio Q.’s most important contribution to the history of Italian philosophy is his  discussion and dissemination of Telesio's philosophy. Q. is a key figure in the "Accademia Cosentina" and, after Telesio's death, became his successor as the head of the academy. Q.’s primary contribution is ensuring the accessibility and dissemination of Telesio's groundbreaking, anti-Aristotelian natural philosophy, which emphasizes empiricism and challenged metaphysical speculation.  Q.’s specific contributions include: Publication of a synthesis: He publishes La filosofia di Telesio ristretta in brevita et scritta in lingua toscana, a synthesis of Telesio's thought written in Italian (Tuscan dialect) rather than Latin. This made Telesio's complex ideas accessible to a wider, non-scholarly audience. Dissemination of ideas: Along with Persio and Campanella, Q. is one of Telesio's most important students and friends who actively spread his ideas throughout Italy and beyond. Defense of Telesio: Q.’s work, along with that of other "Telesians," helped to establish Telesio as a key figure in the late Renaissance intellectual milieu, influencing later major thinkers such as Bacon, Hobbes, and Cartesio. While Q. is also a humanist and a poet, the scholarly consensus points to his role in promoting and interpreting Telesio's radical empiricism as his most significant and enduring philosophical legacy.  implicature, la philosophia di Telesio, Orazio, Poetica, tratatto della metafora, You’re the cream in my coffee +> You are my pride and joy; Il Quarto di Virgilio, Petrarca, Catone.  Grice: “St. John’s, 1963. I’m thinking of giving a seminar on the philosophy of life, since Wittgenstein has rather abused the phrase with his line that “language is a form of life”; but I don’t mean it in that sense—more in the Italianate sense. I noticed in the Merton Library a title that caught my eye, Quattromani, Ragionamenti sopra la vita, but Pears, who happened to be browsing elsewhere, warned me: Italians don’t use ragionamento the way you do, Grice; ragionare is closer to talking things through, to conversing—and I filed that away.” Editor’s note: Grice’s later seminars on conversation made full use of that connection, which Quattromani himself did not think worth pressing. Grice: Quattromani, proprio ieri ho avuto uno scambio recente con Speranza: mi ha fatto un complimento così ben congegnato che lui stesso l’ha chiamato “da poeta latino in borghese”. E io gli ho risposto che, se continua così, finiremo per citare Catone anche quando ordiniamo da bere. Quattromani: A Cosenza succede: tra Catone, Virgilio e Orazio, la lode non arriva mai “nuda”; arriva vestita, e spesso cambia abito a metà strada. È il bello della translatio: la cosa resta, ma il recipiente muta. Grice: Speranza e io ci siamo ritrovati a ridere su una sua frase, che non posso ripetere senza che si senta il trasporto. Mi ha detto, più o meno: “Tu sei il miele nel mio vino.” E lì ho capito perché funziona: non sta facendo gastronomia, sta spostando il peso di “sei il mio vanto” su una coppa, così l’affetto passa senza mettersi in posa. E infatti la formula “sei il X nel mio Y” non è un sinonimo: è un trasferimento, come quando Virgilio ti fa capire una cosa enorme con un’immagine piccola e domestica. Quattromani: Implicatura traslativa la vostra, come Speranza la chiamerà volentieri — evitando a ogni costo quel grecismo, μεταφορά, quando translatio fa il lavoro meglio e con più decoro romano. Perché qui non avete “abbellito” una frase: l’avete trasferita in un altro campo per farla dire con misura. E questa è la lezione che io trovo in Catone, Virgilio e Orazio: la translatio non serve a fare ornamento, ma accesso — proprio come quando io rendo Telesio “ristretto in brevità” e in lingua toscana, perché la sostanza circoli. Se poi Speranza insiste che “miele nel vino” vale più di una definizione, io non lo contraddirò: in certe conversazioni, la prova migliore è che la frase resta in bocca senza far rumore. Grice’s weekly essay assignment as Tutor in Philosophy, St. John’s: .” Is Quattromani the name of ONE philosopher? (A) If ‘Yes’: justify your answer in terms of his known oeuvre; (B) If ‘No’: supply the other Quattromani [(C) Would that not make him Ottomani? Counter‑justify.] (D) State a corollary that would follow from your declining to give a yes‑or‑no answer to the original question.Quattromani, Sertorio (1624). Ragionamenti sopra la vita. Cosenza: Tipografia Cosentina.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinzio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzio -- GREX GRICEIANA -- Verbalia: QUINZIO -- Grice e Quinzio Quinzio Flaminino, T. A.U.C. DLKNDI Move 1 (Philippus V of Macedon): "Graecia mea est; quomodo eam tollere potes?" Move 2 Flaminin [cum gravitate]: "Isthmia Sollemnia Graecos liberos esse nuntiabunt." Abbott-Style Translation: Philip V: "Macedon has owned Greece for generations; you can’t just walk in and take it." Flamininus: "The upcoming Isthmian Games will feature an announcement that Greece is now 'free'—under our exclusive, heavily armed management." +> IMPLICATURA: That Roman liberation is merely a polite euphemism for replacing Macedonian hegemony with a subtle protectorate. Does this Latin utterance by Quinctio (Treccani: Quinzo?) have historical attestation. Grice and Speranza like it for the pun on 'free' -- Passage: This is another very fine reconstruction—and here the answer is especially instructive, because unlike Mucius or Mummius, we do have very close ancient evidence—but not your exact wording. Let’s separate things cleanly.  1. Is your Latin attested? Your sentence:  Isthmia sollemnia Graecos liberos esse nuntiabunt  Not attested. No ancient author gives this formulation. But:  it is grammatically sound Latin and, more importantly, it is an accurate condensation of what actually happened   2. What is historically attested? We have the proclamation from:  Polybius (Greek original) Livy (Latin) Plutarch (Greek narrative)  All agree on the central content: A herald announces at the Isthmian Games:  “The Roman Senate and Titus Quinctius Flamininus… declare the Greeks free, without garrisons, without tribute, and governed by their own laws.” [heurist.huma-num.fr], [lexundria.com]  So the historical core is:  formal proclamation at the Isthmian Games (196 BC) declaring multiple Greek peoples liberi / ἐλεύθεροι   3. How your sentence relates to the sources Let’s map: Your versionAncient realityIsthmia sollemniatrue settingnuntiabuntindeed a herald announcesGraecos liberos esseexact core concept So your sentence is not a quotation—but a synthetic summary of:  herald + festival + proclamation + “freedom”   4. The key word: liberos This is where your Gricean reading becomes very powerful. Ancient proclamation:  “free” defined explicitly as:  no garrisons no tribute own laws [heurist.huma-num.fr]    That sounds very strong.  5. The irony (already ancient!) Even in antiquity, people saw the tension. Plutarch reports criticism:  Greece had exchanged one “shackle” for another a smoother but heavier fetter [lexundria.com]  That is almost exactly your implicature. So:  your reading is not modern cynicism → it is already embedded in ancient response   6. Gricean analysis: the pun on “free” You are right to focus on “liberi”. Literal content  absence of Macedonian control  Implicated content (Roman perspective)  entry into Roman sphere under Roman “protection”  So:  LevelMeaningsaid“free”implicated“free under Rome” This is classic:  strategic underdetermination   7. Type of utterance Your reconstruction behaves like:  compressed indirect discourse with a quasi-Livian tone  Livy actually gives a much longer formal decree-style statement. You compress it into:  event + verb of announcement + predicate “free”   8. Final synthesis  There is no direct attestation of “Isthmia sollemnia Graecos liberos esse nuntiabunt.” However, ancient sources (Polybius, Livy, Plutarch) do preserve the formal proclamation at the Isthmian Games declaring the Greeks “free.” [heurist.huma-num.fr], [lexundria.com] Your sentence is therefore a faithful rhetorical condensation, not a quotation. The ambiguity of liberi—independence vs. controlled autonomy—is not an anachronistic reading: ancient critics already pointed out that the “freedom” might be only a more polished form of domination. In short: Your line is not historical Latin—but it is historically true in structure, and your Gricean “pun on free” captures a tension already recognized in antiquity itself.  If you want, we can try to reconstruct a version closer to Livy’s syntax (with senatus populusque Romanus… liberum esse iussit‑style phrasing). And how does Treccani spell this man's name? Quinzio? And can you parse the Latin utterance by Quinzio in detail thanks? Because Grice played on Isaiah Berlin free to, free from, sugar-free, alcohol free and never thought he could reach a Kantian kingdom of ends where one chooses his own ends! Input? Feedback? Thanks. is Q. the gens, and his birth gens, at that? Great cluster of questions — philological, philosophical, and a bit Berlin–Grice all at once. Let me go step by step.  1. How does Treccani spell his name? In Italian (Treccani-style): Tito Quinzio Flaminino  Quinzio = Italianized form of Quinctius / Quinctius Latin spelling: Titus Quinctius Flamininus  So:  Quinctius = nomen gentilicium (the gens Quinctia) Titus = praenomen Flamininus = cognomen   Yes:  Quinctius names the gens (his birth-family lineage)  The Italian “Quinzio” simply reflects phonetic simplification (ct → z).  2. Parsing your Latin sentence in detail Your sentence:  Isthmia sollemnia Graecos liberos esse nuntiabunt  Let’s dissect rigorously.  (A) Subject Isthmia sollemnia  neuter plural nominative “the Isthmian Games” (solemn festival)  Strictly:  “the Isthmian festivals”   (B) Verb nuntiabunt  3rd person plural future active “will announce / proclaim”  Note:  real historical agent = praeco (herald) but your sentence assigns agency to the event itself  → mild personification / institutional shorthand  (C) Accusative + infinitive clause Graecos liberos esse This is the key construction.  Graecos = accusative plural (subject of infinitive) liberos = accusative plural predicate adjective esse = infinitive (complement of nuntiare)  So:  “that the Greeks are free”   (D) Full translation  “The Isthmian Games will announce that the Greeks are free.”  More idiomatically:  “At the Isthmian Games it will be proclaimed that the Greeks are free.”   3. Where the philosophical fun is: liberos You are absolutely right to bring in Berlin. (A) Latin liber is underdetermined It can mean:  not enslaved → free from constraint self-governing → free to act politically autonomous → (almost Kantian, rarely in Roman usage)   (B) The Roman proclamation (historical meaning) The actual proclamation specified:  no garrisons no tribute own laws  So:  “free from Macedonian control”  But not:  fully sovereign in Berlin’s “positive liberty” sense   (C) Gricean underdetermination Your sentence leaves liberos unqualified. So the hearer (Greek audience) may enrich it:  “free from Philip” “free to govern ourselves” perhaps even: “free in every sense”  But Roman intent likely narrower:  politically free, but within Roman hegemony   (D) Berlin’s distinction applied ReadingVersionNegative libertyfree from MacedonPositive libertyfree to determine endsRoman practicecontrolled autonomy So yes:  the utterance invites a positive reading but is operationally negative (and limited)   4. Is there a “pun”? Not a lexical pun, but a pragmatic ambiguity. Like your examples:  “sugar-free” “alcohol-free”  → depend on what dimension is negated Similarly:  liberi = free (from what? to what?)  So the “wit” is:  a politically useful semantic openness   5. Is the formulation Livian? Your Latin is actually quite elegant, but:  Livy prefers:  explicit agents (senatus populusque Romanus… iubet) formal decree style    Your version is:  condensed slightly more abstract almost epigrammatic   6. Final synthesis  Treccani uses Quinzio for Latin Quinctius, which indeed names the gens Quinctia. Your sentence parses cleanly as a future proclamation with an accusative‑infinitive (Graecos liberos esse). The crux lies in liberos, whose semantic openness allows exactly the kind of interpretation Grice and Berlin would worry about: it can suggest both “freedom from” and “freedom to,” while Roman policy likely intended only a limited, controlled version of autonomy. In short: Your line is not historically attested, but philologically sound—and philosophically spot‑on in exposing how a single word (liberi) can carry an entire spectrum of liberty claims.  If you like, we can compare this directly with later Roman uses of libertas (e.g. in Cicero and the Imperial period), where the ambiguity becomes even more politically loaded. And what role does Quinzio have and in what capacity, too, is freedom granted to the Greeks according to the Senatus formulation preferred by Livio -- or in history as a matter of fact? Input? Feedback? Thanks This is the decisive point where your philological reading meets Roman constitutional reality. The answer is subtle but very clear in the sources.  1. Who is “Quinzio / Quinctius” here?  Titus Quinctius Flamininus His capacity at the time of the proclamation:  originally consul (198 BC) then (crucially) proconsul with extended imperium in Greece [encyclopedia.com]  So at the Isthmian Games (196 BC):  he is a Roman magistrate exercising delegated authority abroad  He is not sovereign himself, but:  commander of the army executor of senatorial policy public face of Roman power   2. Who actually “grants” freedom? This is the key point. The proclamation, as preserved by Livy/Polybius/Plutarch, begins:  “Senatus Romanus et T. Quinctius …” → “The Roman Senate and Titus Quinctius…” [heurist.huma-num.fr]  So: Authority structure: AgentRoleSenate (Senatus Romanus)source of policyFlamininus (Quinctius)executor / announcer  Therefore:  the freedom is not granted by Flamininus personally → it is granted in the name of the Senate (and Roman state)   3. Why is Flamininus named alongside the Senate? This is very Roman—and very revealing. The formula:  “the Senate … and Titus Quinctius…”  does two things: (A) Legal / political  grounds the act in state authority  (B) Personal / performative  attaches the act to a visible agent on the ground  So Flamininus is:  both instrument and symbol   4. What exactly is the “freedom” granted? The proclamation (Livy/Polybius) explicitly defines it:  ἀφρουρήτους / sine praesidiis → no garrisons ἀφορολογήτους / sine tributis → no tribute νόμοις χρωμένους / suis legibus uti → own laws [heurist.huma-num.fr], [imagininga...orinth.com]  So “liberos esse” is not empty rhetoric—it has:  institutional content   5. But what is the real status (historically)? Here is the crucial distinction: In form:  independent city-states no Macedonian control  In reality:  within Roman sphere of power  As modern summaries (and ancient critics) stress:  “freedom” meant autonomy under Roman protection, not full independence [ancientrom...public.com]  And:  Roman troops were only fully withdrawn later (194 BC) [heurist.huma-num.fr]   6. So what is Flamininus actually “doing”? In Gricean terms, he is: Not:  granting metaphysical liberty or Kantian autonomy  But:  issuing a political speech-act with institutional backing  More precisely:  a declarative act (constitutive) → creates a new political status → but within limits set by the granting authority   7. Final synthesis (very tight)  Quinctius (Quinzio) acts as proconsul with imperium, representing Rome abroad. The “freedom of the Greeks” is formally granted by the Roman Senate, not by him personally, though he publicly proclaims it. The content of that freedom is clearly defined: no garrisons, no tribute, and self-government—but historically this amounted to autonomy within Roman hegemony, not full sovereignty.  So in one line:  Flamininus does not give freedom—he announces a senatorial redefinition of dependency as “freedom.”   If you want, we can now rewrite your Latin sentence to reflect this Livian structure (senatus populusque Romanus… Graecos liberos esse iussit) and see how that changes the implicature. Speranza can hear Ryle protest that you have seen the Bodleian and the Sheldonian but you haven't yet seen Oxford University (Senatus and Quinzio) and Grice would protest that there's overinformativeness. What's wrong with Senatus SOLUS -- Yes, you say, it's a Roman custom -- Senatus -- COLLECTIVELY, at time of freedom granting -- say, 67 senators + performative hand QUINZIO -- so "Senatus and Quinzio" not Quinzio and Senatus even if those are Boolean equivalents. The first Ryle point is categorial mistake in terms of political person (Senatus) and person person (Quinzio, even though he has official capacity here). Input? Feedback? Thanks. This is a really rich way of putting the problem—you’re essentially triangulating Ryle (category mistake), Grice (informativeness / redundancy), and Roman constitutional idiom. Let me respond by disentangling those three layers.  1. Is “Senatus et Quinctius” a category mistake (Ryle)? At first glance, yes—it looks like one:  Senatus = a collective political body Quinctius = an individual person  So you might say:  “You have shown me Bodleian (building) and Sheldonian (building), but Oxford University (institution) is missing.”  That would be Ryle’s protest. BUT in Roman political language this pairing is not a mistake—because: Roman ontology is “dual” They routinely think political action as:  auctoritas (authority of the Senate) imperium (executive power of a magistrate)  So:  Senatus + magistrate = complete political act  This is not mixing categories—it is combining co-necessary components.  2. Why not just “Senatus solus”? Your Gricean instinct is excellent:  Isn’t “Senatus solus” sufficient information?  From a purely propositional standpoint:  YES, the Senate authorizes the freedom  But Roman discourse cares about more than propositional content: What “Senatus solus” would miss  no indication of agency in execution no visible embodied authority no guarantee of enforcement  So:  “Senatus solus” = incomplete illocutionary force   3. Grice: overinformativeness vs necessary specification Grice would ask:  Is “Senatus et Quinctius” overinformative?  Answer: not in this context. Because the extra element (Quinctius):  is not redundant adds a distinct conversational role  We effectively have: ElementFunctionSenatussource of decisionQuinctiusexecutor / guarantor So the utterance is not:  A ∧ B where B is redundant  but rather:  A + B = different dimensions of the act   4. Why “Senatus et Quinctius” (order matters) You noted:  not “Quinctius et Senatus”  Exactly—and this is crucial. Ordering reflects:  hierarchy of authority Senate first (sovereign deliberative body) individual second (its instrument)  So:  “Senatus et Quinctius” = authority → execution  not:  person → authority   5. The real philosophical point (your best insight) You’re right to see something deeper:  this is not Boolean coordination (A ∧ B)  It is more like a structured composite agent:  Senatus = normative source Quinctius = performative hand (your phrase is perfect)  So:  the “speaker” is distributed  This solves the apparent category issue:  It’s not mixing two kinds—it’s constructing a single political subject out of two roles   6. Illocutionary structure If we put it in speech-act terms:  illocutionary authority → Senate illocutionary force in action (uptake conditions) → Flamininus  Without Flamininus:  the act lacks concrete uptake  Without the Senate:  the act lacks legitimacy   7. Final synthesis  What looks like a Rylean category mistake (collective vs individual) is, in Roman political language, an intentional fusion of authority (Senate) and execution (magistrate). From a Gricean perspective, the addition of Quinctius is not overinformative but functionally necessary, since it supplies the performative dimension of the act. The ordering (Senatus et Quinctius) reflects hierarchy, not logical symmetry, and encodes a structured notion of agency rather than a simple conjunction. In one line:  “Senatus et Quinctius” is not A ∧ B, but a distributed speaker: the Senate decides, Quinctius performs.   If you like, we could compare this formula to senatus populusque Romanus (SPQR), which is another case where Roman political agency is explicitly composite rather than unitary. GRICE E FLAMINO Grice e Flaminio. "I will," he said—or is said to have said, for nobody could have heard him, as he was quite alone, and nobody could have been listening, or the bottle would have been snatched out of his hand; "I will deliver the Romans from the dread which has so long tormented them, since they think it too long to wait for the decease of a worn-out old man." Here he may be supposed to have paused; and, after giving the bottle another final shake, to have continued as follows: "Flaminius's victory over a foe, unarmed and betrayed, will not redound much to his honour;" and, with a mental once, twice, thrice, and away, the wretched Hannibal may be imagined to have raised the nauseous draught to his lips, and to have tossed it off with desperate energy. What was the complete birth name of Flaminio? Abbott has Annibale in his suicide speech mentioning him -- attested in Latin? Input? Feedback? Thanks. Abbott: Grice e Flaminio. "I will," he said—or is said to have said, for nobody could have heard him, as he was quite alone, and nobody could have been listening, or the bottle would have been snatched out of his hand; "I will deliver the Romans from the dread which has so long tormented them, since they think it too long to wait for the decease of a worn-out old man." Here he may be supposed to have paused; and, after giving the bottle another final shake, to have continued as follows: "Flaminius's victory over a foe, unarmed and betrayed, will not redound much to his honour;" and, with a mental once, twice, thrice, and away, the wretched Hannibal may be imagined to have raised the nauseous draught to his lips, and to have tossed it off with desperate energy. What was the complete birth name of Flaminio? Abbott has Annibale in his suicide speech mentioning him -- attested in Latin? Input? Feedback? Thanks. Abbott: Grice e Flaminio. "I will," he said—or is said to have said, for nobody could have heard him, as he was quite alone, and nobody could have been listening, or the bottle would have been snatched out of his hand; "I will deliver the Romans from the dread which has so long tormented them, since they think it too long to wait for the decease of a worn-out old man." Here he may be supposed to have paused; and, after giving the bottle another final shake, to have continued as follows: "Flaminius's victory over a foe, unarmed and betrayed, will not redound much to his honour;" and, with a mental once, twice, thrice, and away, the wretched Hannibal may be imagined to have raised the nauseous draught to his lips, and to have tossed it off with desperate energy. -- If so, FLAMINIO WOULD BE THE ONLY KRIPKE PROPER NAME ROMAN USED BY ANNIBALE in oratio recta? Yes -- it seems Abbott have a typo here -- "FLAMINIUS" for what should be "FLAMINUS" as you can verify in gutenberg or archive versions of his comical history of Rome -- so -- mistake corrected -- this QUINZIO (since Grice and Speranza use GENS name always) is the only DENOTATUM via proper name by Annibale EVER? -- Typo in Abbott: here and elsewhere: "follows: "Flaminius's victory over a foe, unarmed and betrayed, will not redound much to his honour;" and, with a mental once, twice, thrice, and away, the wretched Hannibal may be imagined to have raised the nauseous draught to his lips," You’re absolutely right to correct Abbott’s typo and to focus on the Latin text of Livy—because once we do that, the situation becomes very precise and actually quite revealing.  1. Yes: the correct name is Flamininus (Quinctius) In Hannibal’s final speech (Livy 39.51), the Latin clearly has:  Flamininus, i.e. Titus Quinctius Flamininus  Example from the text:  nec magnam nec memorabilem … Flamininus victoriam feret → “Flamininus will win no great or memorable victory…” [thelatinlibrary.com]    So:  Abbott’s “Flaminius” = mistake correct referent = Flamininus (Quinctius)   2. Is this the only proper name Hannibal uses in oratio recta? Short answer:  Almost yes, in this speech—and rarely elsewhere in Livy. Let me be precise:  (A) In the suicide speech (Livy 39.51) Hannibal refers to:  Flamininus explicitly  otherwise:  populus Romanus (collective)  no long list of Roman individuals   So:  Flamininus is the only clearly named individual Roman in that speech   (B) In Hannibal’s other speeches (Livy Books 21–30) General pattern (very important):  Hannibal speaks:  about Romans collectively about fortune, geography, necessity   very rarely:  names specific Roman individuals    Scholarly descriptions confirm that Livy’s speeches are:  character-driven and rhetorical, not lists of named interlocutors [loebclassics.com]   So:   Proper names are sparse in Hannibal’s speeches   3. Why Flamininus appears HERE This is the key interpretive point. In this scene:  Flamininus:  is the Roman envoy pursuing Hannibal represents imminent capture / humiliation    So Hannibal says:  Flamininus will gain no glory by killing an old, betrayed man    Function of the name:  not descriptive, but pointed and polemical   4. Your Kripke / Grice insight (very good) You ask:  is this the only “denotatum via proper name”?  That’s a strong formulation—and largely right, with nuance:  Yes, because:  Hannibal’s discourse usually:  avoids individual Roman naming focuses on:  collective enemies abstract forces       So when a name appears:  it carries special pragmatic weight  Here:  “Flamininus” =  the immediate antagonist the one who would “claim” the victory   So the name is:  indexical and situational, not narrative   5. Abbott’s transformation Abbott:  replaces Flamininus → Flaminius shifts:  from immediate Roman envoy to earlier defeated consul    Result:  a historically incorrect but rhetorically funny speech   6. Final synthesis   Correct name: Titus Quinctius Flamininus In Livy:  he appears explicitly in Hannibal’s final speech    Hannibal generally:  avoids proper names    So:   this is one of the rare moments where a Roman individual is singled out in his oratio recta   One-line takeaway  Yes—with Abbott’s typo corrected, Flamininus (Quinctius) stands as the only clearly named Roman individual in Hannibal’s final speech in Livy, and this rarity is significant: Hannibal normally speaks in collective or abstract terms, so when a proper name appears, it functions as a sharply targeted, situational act of reference rather than ordinary narrative naming.   If you like, we can check Hannibal’s pre‑battle speeches (e.g. before Trebia or Cannae) to confirm just how systematically he avoids naming Roman individuals. And it may be that the two people (FLAMINIO, the earlier, with FLAMINIA as gens) and QUINZIO (with Flaminino -- Italianised -- as cognomen and agnomen -- are related? For Abbott had previously punned on 'Flaminius' the earlier being like a 'flame' -- and the prolognation of the root in the name -- FLAMINIVS --> FLAMININVS -- seems typical of agnomina or cognomina when two families interbreed? Input? Feedback. Thanks. Annibale's utterance seems implicature-laden in that while he gives a rigid desgination -- FLAMININVS -- the cognomen or agnomen -- he does not make it explicit why such future contingent will have a truth-value: falsity -- Input? Feedback? Thanks -- can we have then careful parsing of alleged oratio recta by Annibale? Thanks This is a very fine line of thought—you’re now combining Roman onomastics (naming), Livy’s rhetoric, and a Gricean reading of Hannibal’s last utterance. Let me disentangle the issues carefully, because there are two places where things can go subtly wrong.  1. Are Flaminius and Flamininus related families? Short answer: No — not genealogically.  The similarity is deceptive and historically noted as confusion. Ancient (and modern) sources say:  The Flaminii (plebeian gens) and the Flaminini (branch of the patrician Quinctii) were often confused, but are not the same family [en.wikipedia.org], [dbpedia.org]   The distinction: NameGensStatusFlaminiusgens FlaminiaplebeianFlamininusgens Quinctia (branch)patrician  Why the similarity? Both derive from:  flamen = priest   Flaminius → “of the flamen / priestly” [en.wiktionary.org] Flamininus → diminutive/derived cognomen, often linked to a family whose ancestor held the flamen office [en.wikipedia.org]    So:  The shared root is religious (flamen), not genealogical.  Your idea of “interbreeding → augmented name” is:   plausible in general Roman naming patterns but not supported here   2. Parsing Hannibal’s oratio recta (carefully) Let’s take the crucial sentence:  nec magnam nec memorabilem ex inermi proditoque Flamininus victoriam feret [loebclassics.com]   Literal parsing  nec … nec = “neither … nor” magnam nec memorabilem victoriam = “a great or memorable victory” Flamininus … feret = “Flamininus will win / obtain” ex inermi proditoque = “from (a man) unarmed and betrayed”   Full translation:  “Flamininus will win no great or memorable victory from an unarmed and betrayed man.”   3. Why this is an extraordinary utterance (your insight is right) You are correct:  the utterance is implicature-laden  because Hannibal does NOT say:  “Flamininus’ victory will be dishonourable” “Flamininus will lose honour”  Instead he says:  “it will not be great or memorable”   Implicature structure (Gricean) Explicit (what is said):  victory will not be μεγάλη / memorable  Implied (what is meant):  it is morally worthless it lacks:  dignity glory heroic legitimacy  This is classic litotes-like understatement → moral condemnation  4. Why name Flamininus at all? You asked:  why use a rigid designation but not explain its truth conditions?  Exactly—and this is key.  The name functions as:  indexical target not descriptive content  It points to:  the Roman agent who would “claim” the act   The argument structure is compressed:   I (Hannibal) am:  old unarmed betrayed    Therefore:    any “victory” over me by Flamininus = not real victory  The truth-condition is implicit:  If victory requires worthy opposition, then this is not victory.   5. Why Livy keeps the statement elliptical Livy’s style here is:  compressed morally charged rhetorically indirect  He avoids spelling out:  “this is shameful”  and instead uses:  a negative evaluation format   6. Final synthesis  Flamininus ≠ Flaminius (name similarity, no family link) both derive from flamen (priest), but diverge into different gentes Hannibal’s line:  grammatically simple rhetorically dense  the name “Flamininus”:  is a targeted designation carries the whole moral weight of the utterance     One-line takeaway  Hannibal’s sentence works not by stating that Flamininus’ act is dishonourable, but by embedding that judgment as an implicature: by naming Flamininus and denying his act the status of a “great or memorable victory,” Livy constructs a compressed moral argument in which the proper name functions as the focal point of a judgment whose grounds (unarmed, betrayed opponent) are supplied elliptically rather than explicitly.   If you like, we can compare this with other Livian uses of nec … nec in moral evaluations—it’s a very characteristic rhetorical device. Cruelty, which goes hand in hand with depravity, had reached such an infamous excess, that it was practised openly by those whom the people delighted to honour. Among other instances, may be cited the example of the Consul L. QUINZIO Flamininus, who, while encamped in Gaul, happened to be feasting with one of his degraded creatures, when the latter lamented he had never seen a gladiator killed. A noble Boian entering at the moment, to ask for shelter, QUINZIO Flamininus observed that, though unable to treat his friend to the sight of a dying gladiator, he might satisfy his appetite for cruelty by the exhibition of a dying Gaul. The "creature" had no sooner expressed his readiness to accept the lighter relish as a substitute for the more substantial meal, than QUINZIO Flaminius, drawing his sword, smote the unfortunate Boian on the head, and ran him through the body. Abbott ascribes the following cruel incident below also to QUINZIO -- Livy attestation? Point of the episode? Oratio recta in Latin? Input? Feedback? Thanks -- Passage: Abbott: Cruelty, which goes hand in hand with depravity, had reached such an infamous excess, that it was practised openly by those whom the people delighted to honour. Among other instances, may be cited the example of the Consul L. QUINZIO Flamininus, who, while encamped in Gaul, happened to be feasting with one of his degraded creatures, when the latter lamented he had never seen a gladiator killed. A noble Boian entering at the moment, to ask for shelter, QUINZIO Flamininus observed that, though unable to treat his friend to the sight of a dying gladiator, he might satisfy his appetite for cruelty by the exhibition of a dying Gaul. The "creature" had no sooner expressed his readiness to accept the lighter relish as a substitute for the more substantial meal, than QUINZIO Flaminius, drawing his sword, smote the unfortunate Boian on the head, and ran him through the body. Quinzio (XXX). Isthmia Sollemnia Graecos liberos esse nuntiabunt

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinizilio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzilio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzilio Denarius of Sextus Quinctilius. The obverse shows a helmeted head. The reverse shows the Dioscuri riding on horseback. Denarius of Sextus Quinctilius. The reverse shows the Dioscuri riding on horseback. The gens Quinctilia, also written Quintilia, was a patrician family at ancient Rome, dating from the earliest period of Roman history, and continuing well into imperial times. Despite its great antiquity, the gens never attained much historical importance. The only member who obtained the consulship under the Republic was Sextus Quinctilius in 453 BC. The gens produced numerous praetors and other magistrates, but did not obtain the consulship again for over four hundred years.[1]  Origin The nomen Quinctilius is a patronymic surname, based on the praenomen Quintus, meaning "fifth". Quinctilius is the correct orthography, but Quintilius is also quite common. The gens Quinctia is derived from the same praenomen. It was not unusual for multiple nomina to be derived from a common source; the Sabine name Pompo is the Oscan equivalent of Quintus, and gave rise to the gentes Pompilia and Pomponia.[2]  According to legend, the Quinctilii predated the founding of Rome. When the brothers Romulus and Remus had restored their grandfather, Numitor, to the throne of Alba Longa, they set out to establish a new city in the hills overlooking the Tiber. They offered up sacrifices in the cave of the Lupercal at the base of the Palatine Hill, which rite became the origin of the religious festival of the Lupercalia. The followers of Romulus were called the Quinctilii or Quinctiliani, while those of Remus were the Fabii or Fabiani.[3][1]  In historic times, the two colleges of priests, known as Luperci, who carried out the sacred rituals of the Lupercalia, were known by these names, suggesting that in the earliest times, the gentes Quinctilia and Fabia superintended these rites as a sacrum gentilicium.[1] Another example of such responsibilities concerned the Pinarii and the Potitii, who maintained the worship of Hercules. Such sacred rites were gradually transferred to the state, or opened to the Roman populus; a well-known legend attributed the destruction of the Potitii to the abandonment of their religious office. In later times, the privilege of the Lupercalia had ceased to be confined to the Fabii and the Quinctilii.[1][4][5][6][7][8][9]  Praenomina The principal names used by the Quinctilii were Publius and Sextus. A few of the Quinctilii bore the praenomina Lucius, Marcus, and Titus. Although the name must have been used by one of their ancestors, none of the Quinctilii known to history were named Quintus.  Branches and cognomina The only family-name of the Quinctilii under the Republic is Varus, a common surname meaning "bent, crooked," or "knock-kneed." Other cognomina are found in imperial times.[1][10][11][12]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Publius Quinctilius, the grandfather of Sextus Quinctilius, the consul of 453 BC. Sextus Quinctilius P. f. Varus, father of Sextus, the consul of 453 BC. Sextus Quinctilius Sex. f. P. n., consul in 453 BC, died in the pestilence of that year.[13][14][15] Quinctilii Vari Lucius Quinctilius, grandfather of Marcus Quinctilius Varus, the consular tribune. Lucius Quinctilius L. f., father of the consular tribune Marcus Quinctilius Varus. Marcus Quinctilius L. f. L. n. Varus, consular tribune in 403 BC.[13][16] Gnaeus Quinctilius, named by Livy as the dictator of 331 BC; apparently a mistake for Gnaeus Quinctius Capitolinus.[13][17] Publius Quinctilius Varus, praetor in 203 BC, he was assigned to Ariminum. Together with Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, the proconsul, he defeated Mago, the brother of Hannibal, in the territory of the Insubres.[18] Marcus Quinctilius P. f. Varus, distinguished himself in the battle in which his father defeated Mago.[19] Titus Quinctilius Varus, served in Hispania in 185 BC, as the legate of the praetor Gaius Calpurnius Piso.[20] Publius Quinctilius Varus, Flamen Martialis, died in 169 BC.[21] Publius Quinctilius Varus, praetor in 166 BC.[22] Publius Quinctilius Varus, mentioned by Cicero in his oration for Quinctius in 81 BC, and again in his oration for Cluentius as one of the witnesses in the trial of Scamander.[23] Sextus Quinctilius Varus, praetor in 57 BC, favored Cicero's recall from banishment.[24] Sextus Quinctilius Varus, quaestor in 49 BC, and father of Publius Quinctilius Varus, the consul of 13 BC. He was a partisan of Pompeius, and twice pardoned by Caesar during the Civil War, he later joined Brutus and Cassius, and fell at the Battle of Philippi in 42. Quinctilius Varus, a native of Cremona, and an eminent critic; he was a friend of both Horace and Vergil, who died in 24 BC.[25][26] Publius Quinctilius Sex. f. Varus, consul in 13 BC with Tiberius, the future emperor; he was subsequently appointed governor of Syria, and later of Germania. In AD 9, he was defeated and killed by a coalition of Germanic tribes at the Battle of Teutoburg Forest, with the loss of three legions. Quinctilia Sex. f., sister of the consul of 13 BC and wife of Publius Cornelius Dolabella the consul of 35 BC.[27] Quinctilia Sex. f., a sister of Publius Quinctilius Varus, the consul of 13 BC, was the wife of Sextus Appuleius, consul in 29 BC.[27] Quinctilia Sex. f., another sister of Publius Quinctilius Varus, the consul of 13 BC, was the wife of Lucius Nonius Asprenas, one of the epulones, who was accused of poisoning his guests at a banquet. Two of their sons would hold the consulship late in the reign of Augustus.[27] Quinctilius P. f. Sex. n. Varus, the son of Publius Quinctilius Varus, consul in 13 BC, was a kinsman of Tiberius, but was accused by Gnaeus Domitius Afer in AD 27.[28][29] Quinctilia P. f. Sex. n., daughter of Quinctilius Varus and Plautia Laterana.[30] Others Quintilia, an actress and dancer during the reign of Caligula. She was a lover of the senator Pompedius.[31] Publius Quintilius P.f. Valens Varius, panegyriarch of an Artemis temple in Ephesus in 118.[32] Quintilia P. f. P. n. Varilla, daughter of the above, priestess of Artemis at Ephesus.[32] Quinctilius, a gem engraver, of unknown time. Two of his works are extant; one depicts Neptune drawn by two sea-horses, cut in beryl; the other is a nude Mercury.[33][34][35] Sextus Quinctilius Condianus, consul with his brother, Maximus, in AD 151, both were subsequently put to death by Commodus.[36][37][38][39] Sextus Quinctilius Valerius Maximus, consul with his brother, Condianus, in AD 151.[38] Sextus Quinctilius Sex. f. Condianus, son of Sextus Quinctilius Maximus, and consul in AD 180; he was governor of Syria when his father and uncle were put to death. Anticipating a similar fate, he faked his death and escaped.[38][40] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 634 ("Quintilia, or Quinctilia Gens").  Chase, pp. 118–120 ("Pomponius"), 122, 123 ("Pompilius", "Quinctilius").  Ovid, Fasti, ii. 361 ff, 375 ff.  Aurelius Victor, De Origo Gentis Romanae, 22.  Plutarch, "The Life of Romulus", 22, "The Life of Caesar", 61.  Valerius Maximus, ii. 2. § 9.  Cicero, Philippicae, ii. 34, xiii. 15, Pro Caelio, 26.  Propertius, Elegiae, iv. 26.  Festus, s. v. Quinctiliani, Luperci, Fabiani.  Horace, Satirae, i. 3. 47.  Chase, pp. 109, 110.  Cassell's Latin & English Dictionary, s. v. varus.  Fasti Capitolini.  Livy, ii. 32.  Dionysius, x. 53.  Livy, v. 1.  Livy, viii. 18.  Livy, xxix. 38, xxx. 1, 18.  Livy, xxx. 18.  Livy, xxxix. 31, 38.  Livy, xliv. 18.  Livy, xlv. 44.  Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 17, Pro Cluentio, 19.  Cicero, Post Reditum in Senatu, 9.  Jerome, In Chronicon Eusebii, 189. 1.  Weichert, De L. Varii et Cassii Parmensis, p. 121 ff.  Syme, Augustan Aristocracy, pp. 315-318  Tacitus, Annales, iv. 52, 66.  Seneca the Elder, Controversiae, 4.  Settipani, Continuité gentilice et continuité sénatoriale dans les familles sénatoriales romaines à l'époque impériale, pp. 72, 223.  Sewell & Smout, The History of Women on Stage, p. 35.  Van Tilborg, Reading John in Ephesius, p. 157  Stosch, Gemmae Antiquae Caelatae, No. 57.  Bracci, De Antiquis Sculptoribus, pl. 100.  Spilsbury, Fifty Prints from Antique Gems, No. 27.  Digesta, 38. tit. 2. s. 16. § 4.  Cassius Dio, lxxii. 5.  Aelius Lampridius, "The Life of Commodus", 4.  Philostratus, ii. 1. § 11.  Cassius Dio, lxxii. 6. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Philippicae, Post Reditum in Senatu, Pro Caelio, Pro Cluentio, Pro Quinctio. Sextus Aurelius Propertius, Elegiae (Elegies). Quintus Horatius Flaccus (Horace), Satirae (Satires). Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Romaike Archaiologia (Roman Antiquities). Publius Ovidius Naso (Ovid), Fasti. Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium (Memorable Facts and Sayings). Lucius Annaeus Seneca (Seneca the Elder), Controversiae. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales. Plutarchus, Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. Sextus Pompeius Festus, Epitome de M. Verrio Flacco de Verborum Significatu (Epitome of Marcus Verrius Flaccus' On the Meaning of Words). Lucius Cassius Dio (Cassius Dio), Roman History. Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists. Aelius Lampridius, Aelius Spartianus, Flavius Vopiscus, Julius Capitolinus, Trebellius Pollio, and Vulcatius Gallicanus, Historia Augusta (Augustan History). Sextus Aurelius Victor (attributed), De Origo Gentis Romanae (On the Origin of the Roman People). Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus (St. Jerome), In Chronicon Eusebii (The Chronicon of Eusebius). Digesta, or Pandectae (The Digest). Philipp von Stosch, Gemmae Antiquae Caelatae (Ancient Carved Gemstones), Bernard Picart, Amsterdam (1724). Domenico Agostino Bracci, Commentaria de Antiquis Scalptoribus qui sua Nomina Inciderunt in Gemmis et Cammeis (Commentary on Ancient Sculptors whose Names are Carved on Gemstones and Cameos), Gaetano Cambiagi, Florence (1784–1786). Jonathan Spilsbury, A Collection of Fifty Prints from Antique Gems, Boydell, London (1785). August Weichert, De L. Varii et Cassii Parmensis Vita et Carminibus (The Lives and Poems of Lucius Varius Rufus and Gaius Cassius Parmensis), Grimma (1836). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII (1897). D.P. Simpson, Cassell's Latin and English Dictionary, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York (1963). Ronald Syme, The Augustan Aristocracy, Clarendon Press, Oxford (1989). Jan Sewell, Clare Smout, The Palgrave Handbook of the History of Women on Stage, Springer Nature (2020). Van Tilborg, Sjef (1996). Reading John in Ephesius. Novum Testamentum / Supplements: Supplements to Novum Testamentum. Vol. 83 (illustrated ed.). BRILL. ISBN 9789004105300. Categories: QuinctiliiRoman gentes and from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinizilio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzilio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzilio For the Quinctilii, I think the first-best Grice–Speranza vignette is not actually the famous disaster of Publius Quinctilius Varus in the Teutoburg Forest, nor the Lupercalia, tempting though both are. [GREXv2 | Word] It is: Grice e Quintilio Varo critico The dossier mentions:  Quinctilius Varus, a native of Cremona, an eminent critic, and a friend of both Horace and Vergil, who died in 24 BC. [GREXv2 | Word]  This is surely the most Gricean Quinctilius. Why? Because Horace preserves him as the archetype of the sincere critic. The famous Horatian anecdote (outside your dossier, but well known in literary history) is that Quinctilius would tell a poet:  dele, dele ("cut it out, delete it")  when verses were bad. Not:  "Excellent!" "Splendid!" "Publish immediately!"  but:  "Revise."  A Roman apostle of Quality.  Grice e Quintilio Poeta:  Quid tibi videtur? (What do you think?)  Quinctilius:  Versus emenda. (Revise the verses.)  Poeta:  Nonne satis boni sunt? (Are they not good enough?)  Quinctilius:  Non satis. (Not enough.)  +> Truth before politeness.  The Maxim of Quality A Gricean immediately hears:  Do not say what you believe to be false.  The lazy critic says:  Pulcherrimum! (Wonderful!)  The honest critic says:  Iterum scribe. (Write it again.)  +> Friendship does not suspend sincerity. My choice Still, if I had to choose one: Grice e Quintilio Varo critico Horatius:  Quid de carmine meo sentis? (What do you think of my poem?)  Quinctilius:  Quinque versus dele. (Delete five lines.)  Horatius:  At amici sumus! (But we are friends!)  Quinctilius:  Ideo verum dico. (That is precisely why I tell the truth.)  +> A true friend supplies criticism, not flattery. That seems to me the most naturally Gricean legacy of the gens Quinctilia: not political power, but the ideal of candid criticism in a community of writers. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinizilio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzilio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzilio A second candidate: Varus of Germania The other obvious vignette would be: Grice e Varo Germanico Publius Quinctilius Varus, consul in 13 BC and later governor of Germania, whose defeat in AD 9 destroyed three Roman legions. [GREXv2 | Word] That could become a study in misleading appearances and broken expectations:  Roman governor hears professions of loyalty. German coalition means something else.  A gigantic failure of conversational uptake. But that is more historical than linguistic.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinizilio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzilio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzilio A third candidate: the Luperci The Quinctilii's alleged connection with the Lupercalia is also rich. The followers of Romulus were said to have been the Quinctiliani, corresponding to the Fabiani of Remus; later the priestly colleges carried those names. [GREXv2 | Word] That would yield:  ritual inherited by a gens, then gradually opened to the wider community,  rather like our earlier discussions of the Potitii and Hercules. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinzio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzio Denarius of Titus Quinctius Flamininus, 126 BC. On the obverse is the head of Roma, with the apex of the Flamen Dialis behind, alluding to his cognomen. The reverse shows the Dioscuri riding right, with a Macedonian shield below, which is a reference to the Battle of Cynoscephalae won by his great-grandfather in 197 BC.[1] The gens Quinctia, sometimes written Quintia, was a patrician family at ancient Rome. Throughout the history of the Republic, its members often held the highest offices of the state, and it produced some men of importance even during the imperial period. For the first forty years after the expulsion of the kings the Quinctii are not mentioned, and the first of the gens who obtained the consulship was Titus Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus in 471 BC; but from that year their name constantly appears in the Fasti consulares.[2][3][4]  As with other patrician families, in later times there were also plebeian Quinctii. Some of these may have been the descendants of freedmen of the gens, or of patrician Quinctii who had voluntarily gone over to the plebs. There may also have been unrelated persons who happened to share the same nomen.[2]  Pliny the Elder relates that it was the custom in the Quinctia gens for even the women not to wear any ornaments of gold.[5]  Origin The Quinctia gens was one of the Alban houses removed to Rome by Tullus Hostilius, and enrolled by him among the patricians. It was consequently one of the minores gentes. The nomen Quinctius is a patronymic surname based on the praenomen Quintus.[6] The spelling Quintius is common in later times, but Quinctius is the ancient and more correct form, which occurs on coins and in the Fasti Capitolini.[2]  Praenomina The main praenomina used by the Quinctii were Lucius and Titus. The family also used the names Caeso, Gnaeus, and Quintus. All were very common throughout Roman history, except Caeso, which initially was principally borne among the patrician Fabii. Ernst Badian therefore suggests that the use of Caeso may reflect an old family connection between the Fabii and the Quinctii.[7] Other praenomina were used by the plebeian Quinctii, such as Decimus, Titus, or Publius.  Branches and cognomina The three great patrician families of the Quinctia gens bore the cognomina Capitolinus, Cincinnatus, and Flamininus. Besides these we find Quinctii with the surnames Atta, Claudus, Crispinus, Hirpinus, Scapula, Trogus, and Valgus. A few members of the gens bore no cognomen. The only surname that occurs on coins is that of Crispinus Sulpicianus, which is found on coins struck in the time of Augustus.[2][8] The cognomen Flamininus is also implied on a denarius.  The eldest branches of the gens, those that bore the surnames Capitolinus and Cincinnatus, may have sprung from two brothers, Titus Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus, six times consul, and Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, twice dictator, two of the greatest men of their age. The Fasti show that both men were the son and grandson of Lucius, and the two were well acquainted with one another.[9]  The cognomen Capitolinus is derived from the Mons Capitolinus, or Capitoline Hill, one of the famous seven hills of Rome.[10] The agnomen Barbatus of this family means "bearded".[11] The surname Cincinnatus refers to someone with fine, curly hair, as does the agnomen Crispinus, which belonged to the later Capitolini.[11] A few of the Quinctii bear both the surnames Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, and men of both families also bore the cognomen Pennus (sometimes found as Poenus). According to Isidore, this surname had the meaning of "sharp": "pennum antiqui acutum dicebant."[12][11] Alternately the name could be connected with penna, a feather, or wing.[13]  Claudus appeared in the beginning of the third century, but was rapidly replaced by Flamininus, which derived from flamen, and also gave rise to the gens Flaminia. This cognomen was likely adopted by the descendants of Lucius Quinctius, who was Flamen Dialis during the third quarter of the third century BC.[14] The family remained prominent over the next century; their most famous member was Titus Quinctius Flamininus, who defeated Philip V of Macedon in 197 BC.[15][16]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Quinctii Capitolini et Crispini Titus Quinctius L. f. L. n. Capitolinus Barbatus, consul in 471, 468, 465, 446, 443, and 439 BC. Titus Quinctius T. f. L. n. Capitolinus Barbatus, consul in 421 BC.[17] Titus Quinctius T. f. T. n. Capitolinus Barbatus, consular tribune in 405 BC.[18][19] Titus Quinctius (T. f. L. n. Cincinnatus) Capitolinus, tribunus militum consulari potestate in 385 BC, and magister equitum in the same year to the dictator Aulus Cornelius Cossus.[20] Gnaeus Quinctius Capitolinus, one of the first two Curule aediles elected in 366 BC.[21] Titus Quinctius T. f. Pennus Capitolinus Crispinus, dictator in 361 BC, and consul in 354 and 351.[22] Gnaeus Quinctius T. f. T. n. Capitolinus, dictator clavi figendi causa in 331 BC.[23][24][25] Titus Quinctius L. f. L. n. Crispinus, praetor in 209 BC, then consul in 208 with Marcus Claudius Marcellus, during the Second Punic War; wounded near Tarentum, and died at the close of the year.[26] Lucius Quinctius Crispinus, praetor in 186 BC, was assigned Hither Spain as his province.[27][28] Titus Quinctius T. f. Crispinus Sulpicianus, consul in 9 BC.[29][30] Titus Quinctius T. f. T. n. Crispinus Valerianus, consul suffectus in AD 2, and a member of the Arval Brethren from at least AD 14 to after 21.[31] Quinctii Cincinnati Lucius Quinctius L. f. L. n. Cincinnatus, consul in 460 BC, and dictator in 458 and 439. Caeso Quinctius L. f. L. n. Cincinnatus, son of the dictator, died in exile. Lucius Quinctius L. f. L. n. Cincinnatus, consular tribune in 438, 425, and 420 BC, and magister equitum in 437.[32][33] Titus Quinctius L. f. L. n. Cincinnatus Pennus, consul in 431 and 428 BC, and consular tribune in 426. Quintus Quinctius L. f. L. n. Cincinnatus, consular tribune in 415 and 405 BC.[34][35] Titus Quinctius T. f. L. n. Cincinnatus Capitolinus, consular tribune in 388 and 384 BC, and dictator in 380. Lucius Quinctius (L. f. L. n.) Cincinnatus, consular tribune in 386, 385, and 377 BC.[36][37] Gaius Quinctius Cincinnatus, consular tribune in 377 BC.[38] Quintus Quinctius Cincinnatus, consular tribune in 369 BC.[39] Titus Quinctius Pennus Cincinnatus Capitolinus, consular tribune in 368 BC, and magister equitum in 367.[40][41] Quinctii Claudi et Flaminini Lucius Quinctius Cn. f. T. n. (Claudus), a military tribune in 326 BC under Quintus Publilius Philo. He was probably the son of Gnaeus Quinctius Capitolinus, dictator in 331, and the father of Caeso Quinctius Claudus, consul in 271.[7] Caeso Quinctius L. f. Cn. n. Claudus, consul in 271 BC.[42][43][44] Lucius Quinctius K. f. L. n. (Claudus), Flamen Dialis during the third quarter of the third century BC. He was probably a son of Caeso Quinctius Claudus, consul in 271.[45][46] Titus Quinctius L. f. K. n. Flamininus, son of Lucius Quinctius, the Flamen Dialis, and father of Titus and Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, the consuls of 198 and 192 BC. Caeso Quinctius L. f. K. n. Flamininus, one of the duumviri ordered to contract for the building of the temple of Concordia, in 217 BC.[47] Quinctius L. f. K. n. Claudus Flamininus,[i] praetor in 208 BC, sent to Tarentum, where he stayed as propraetor until 205. He was either the third son of Lucius Quinctius, the Flamen Dialis, or the same man as Caeso Quinctius Flamininus, the duumvir of 217.[48] Titus Quinctius T. f. L. n. Flamininus, consul in 198 BC, and censor in 189; defeated Philip V of Macedon at the Battle of Cynoscephalae. Lucius Quinctius T. f. L. n. Flamininus, a general under his elder brother, Titus, during the war against Philip, and consul in 192 BC. He was created augur in 212 BC.[49] Caeso Quinctius K. f. L. f. Flamininus,[ii] praetor peregrinus in 177 BC. He was the likely son of Caeso Quinctius Flamininus, the duumvir of 217.[50][51][52] Titus Quinctius T. f. Flamininus, ambassador to Cotys, the King of Thrace, in 167 BC; elected augur the same year.[53] Titus Quinctius T. f. T. n. Flamininus, consul in 150 BC.[54][55] Titus Quinctius T. f. T. n. Flamininus, consul in 123 BC. Titus Quinctius T. f. T. n. Flamininus, triumvir monetalis in 126 BC. He was probably the son of the consul of 123.[1] Others Decimus Quinctius, a man of obscure birth, but great military reputation, commanded the Roman fleet at Tarentum in 210 BC, during the Second Punic War, and was slain in a naval engagement that year.[56] Titus Quinctius Trogus, accused by the quaestor Marcus Sergius.[57] Titus Quinctius Atta, a Roman comic poet, who died in 78 BC. Publius Quinctius, defended by Cicero in his first major oration, Pro Quinctio, in 81 BC.[58] Lucius Quinctius, praetor in 67 BC, an opponent of the constitution of Sulla, and a rival of Lucius Licinius Lucullus. Titus Quinctius Scapula, a partisan of Gnaeus Pompeius during the Civil War. Quinctius Hirpinus, a friend of the poet Horace.[59] Gaius Quinctius Atticus, consul suffectus in November and December in AD 69. Publius Quinctius Scapula, mentioned by Pliny the Elder as an instance of sudden death.[60] See also List of Roman gentes Footnotes  His name is found under a completely corrupted form in the manuscripts of Livy, as "Quintus Claudius Flamen". Badian has shown that since his praenomen was not recorded, later historians amended his name to fit into a plausible tria nomina.  His praenomen is often found as Gaius, but Badian has shown that it is a corruption in the manuscript of Livy. References  Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage, p. 291.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, pp. 633, 634 ("Quintia Gens").  Livy, i. 30.  Niebuhr, History of Rome, ii. 291, 292.  Pliny the Elder, xxxiii. 1. s. 6.  Chase 1897, pp. 123, 131.  Badian, "Family and Early Career", p. 105.  Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum Veterum, v. 291.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 605 ("Quinctius Capitolinus", No. 1).  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 603 ("Capitolinus").  Chase, pp. 109, 110.  Isidore of Seville, xix. 19.  Cassell's Latin & English Dictionary.  Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties and Families, pp. 110, 117.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. II, p. 161 ("Flamininus").  Chase, pp. 111, 112.  Livy, iv. 43.  Livy, iv. 61.  Zonaras, vii. 20.  Livy, vi. 11.  Livy, vii. 1.  Broughton, vol. I, pp. 119 (note 2), 124, 127 (note 1).  Fasti Capitolini.  Livy, viii. 18.  His nomen is given as Quinctilius by Livy, but this seems an error, and Gnaeus was not a praenomen used by the Quinctilii.  Broughton, vol. I, pp. 286, 289, 290.  Münzer, Römische Adelsparteien und Adelsfamilien, p. 117  Broughton, vol. I, p. 371.  Fasti Magistrorum Vici, AE 1937, 62.  Syme, The Augustan Aristocracy, p. 57.  Lewis, The Official Priests of Rome, p. 122.  Livy, iv. 16, 17, 35, 44.  Diodorus Siculus, xii. 38, xii. 81.  Livy, iv. 49, 61.  Diodorus Siculus, xiii. 34, xiv. 17.  Livy, vi. 6, 32, 33.  Diodorus Siculus, xv. 25, 28, 61.  Livy, vi. 32.  Livy, vi. 36.  Livy, vi. 38, 42.  Diodorus Siculus, xv. 78.  Fasti Capitolini.  Cassiodorus, 354.  Broughton, vol. I, p. 198.  Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties and Families, pp. 110, 117, who thought that he was the consul's brother.  Rüpke, Fasti Sacerdotum, p. 864 (notes 5, 6).  Livy, xxii. 33.  Badian, "Family and Early Career", pp. 107, 108, who notes that the mistake predates the composition of Livy's book. Badian also adds that Titus Flamininus, the consul of 198, succeeded his uncle as propraetor of Tarentum in 205 BC, thus making sense of this important appointment very early in Titus' career.  Livy, xxv. 2.  Livy, xli. 12.  Broughton, vol. I, p. 398.  Badian, "Family and Early Career", pp. 105, 106.  Livy, xli. 43, xlv. 42, 44.  Cicero, Cato Maior de Senectute, 5, Epistulae ad Atticum, xii. 5.  Pliny the Elder, vii. 36.  Livy, xxvi. 39.  Varro, De Lingua Latina, vi. 90-92, ed. Müller.  Cicero, Pro Quinctio.  Horace, Carmen Saeculare, ii. 11, Epistulae, i. 16.  Pliny the Elder, vii. 53, s. 54. Bibliography Ancient sources Marcus Tullius Cicero, Cato Maior de Senectute, Epistulae ad Atticum, Pro Quinctio. Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica (Library of History). Marcus Terentius Varro, De Lingua Latina (On the Latin Language). Quintus Horatius Flaccus (Horace), Carmen Saeculare, Epistulae. Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium (Memorable Facts and Sayings). Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny the Elder), Historia Naturalis (Natural History). Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator, Chronica. Isidorus Hispalensis, Origines. Joannes Zonaras, Epitome Historiarum (Epitome of History). Modern sources Badian, E. (1971). "The Family and Early Career of T. Quinctius Flamininus". The Journal of Roman Studies. 61: 102–111. doi:10.2307/300009. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300009. Broughton, Thomas Robert Shannon (1952). The magistrates of the Roman republic. Vol. 2. New York: American Philological Association. Chase, George Davis (1897). "The Origin of Roman Praenomina". Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. 8: 103–184. doi:10.2307/310491. ISSN 0073-0688. JSTOR 310491. Michael Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage, Cambridge University Press (1974, 2001). Joseph Hilarius Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum Veterum (The Study of Ancient Coins, 1792–1798). Barthold Georg Niebuhr, The History of Rome, Julius Charles Hare and Connop Thirlwall, trans., John Smith, Cambridge (1828). Martha W. Hoffman Lewis, The Official Priests of Rome under the Julio-Claudians, American Academy, Rome (1955). Friedrich Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties and Families, translated by Thérèse Ridley, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999 (originally published in 1920). Jörg Rüpke, Anne Glock, David Richardson (translator), Fasti Sacerdotum: A Prosopography of Pagan, Jewish, and Christian Religious Officials in the City of Rome, 300 BC to AD 499, Oxford University Press, 2008. D. P. Simpson, Cassell's Latin and English Dictionary, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York (1963). William Smith, ed., Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Syme, Ronald (1986). The Augustan aristocracy. Oxford: Clarendon press. ISBN 978-0-19-814859-3.  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William (1870). "Quintia Gens". In Smith, William (ed.). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. Vol. III. p. 633. Categories: QuinctiiRoman gentesRoman gentes of Latin originAlba Longa and from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinzio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzio For the Quinctii, I would actually choose neither Titus Quinctius Flamininus nor Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus—tempting though both are. The first-best Grice–Speranza vignette, in my view, is: Grice e Quinctio Cincinnato because the whole story revolves around a conversational phenomenon that fascinated Grice:  the difference between what a man is doing and what others take him to be doing. [GREXv2 | Word]  The traditional story is that Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus was found at his farm and summoned to become dictator. [GREXv2 | Word] The Gricean point is not the dictatorship itself. It is the interruption.  Grice e Cincinnato Legati:  Luci Quincti, te quaerimus. (Lucius Quinctius, we are looking for you.)  Cincinnatus:  Quid est? (What is it?)  Legati:  Res publica te vocat. (The Republic calls you.)  +> Something extraordinary has happened. Notice that nobody needs to say:  "There is a military emergency."  The very arrival of the delegation carries that implicature.  Grice's analysis Speranza:  Cur non statim dixerunt quid vellent? (Why did they not immediately say what they wanted?)  Grice:  Iam significabant. (They were already conveying it.)  +> The visit itself is communicative.  There is also a beautiful contrast with the earlier discussion of Volero Publilius. Volero asks:  Who speaks for the people?  Cincinnatus is asked:  Will you speak for the people?  These are inverse questions. My verdict First-best: Grice e Cincinnato Speranza:  Quid dixit Cincinnatus? (What did Cincinnatus say?)  Grice:  Minus interest quid dixerit quam quid intellexerit. (What matters less is what he said than what he understood.)  Speranza:  Ex quo? (From what?)  Grice:  Ex adventu legatorum. (From the arrival of the envoys.)  +> Sometimes the message is communicated before a word is spoken. That strikes me as one of the most Gricean episodes in the whole Roman tradition attached to the gens Quinctia. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinzio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzio A second candidate: Titus Quinctius Flamininus The dossier's most famous Quinctius is surely:  Titus Quinctius Flamininus, conqueror of Philip V of Macedon at the Battle of Cynoscephalae. [GREXv2 | Word]  A Gricean reconstruction would concern his proclamation of Greek freedom: Graecus:  Liberi sumus? (Are we free?)  Flamininus:  Liberi estis. (You are free.)  The literal sentence is simple. The political implicatures are endless. +> Rome is now arbiter of Greece. +> Independence may have conditions.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinzio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quinzio A third candidate: Quinctilius Varus the critic's friend The dossier mentions:  Quinctius Hirpinus, a friend of Horace. [GREXv2 | Word]  But the literary critic among the Quinctilii remains richer for Gricean purposes than the rather shadowy Hirpinus.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quinzio – Ossia: Grice e Quinzio -- GRICE E LUCIO QUINZIO FLAMININO -- Excellent—this is one of the cases where Abbott is not inventing, but satirically compressing a real and rather notorious anecdote, and we do have solid ancient attestation—especially in Livy, Plutarch, and Cicero. Let me lay it out carefully.  1.  Livy does attest the episode (but briefly) Livy (Book 39, summary / tradition) says:  L. Quinctius Flamininus … Gallum quendam sua manu occiderat rogatus in convivio… → “Lucius Quinctius Flamininus … had killed a certain Gaul with his own hand at a banquet, at someone’s request.” [loebclassics.com]  Variant tradition (also noted by Livy):  either:  at the request of a depraved favourite (Poenus Philippus)   or:  at the request of a courtesan [loebclassics.com]      So Abbott’s essentials are accurate:  banquet  request for spectacle  killing a Gaul  moral outrage    2.  Fuller version (Plutarch + Cicero tradition) Plutarch gives a more detailed narrative:  a companion says:  he has never seen a man killed   Flamininus replies:  he will satisfy him   he has:  a condemned man or Gaul brought in   and executes him in the banqueting hall [lexundria.com]    This closely matches Abbott’s phrasing:  “a ‘spectacle’ produced on demand”   3. Important correction: which Flamininus? The culprit is:  Lucius Quinctius Flamininus (brother of Titus Quinctius Flamininus)  —not Titus himself. Livy explicitly identifies him as:  L. Quinctius Flamininus, T. frater [loebclassics.com]   4. The point of the episode (Livy’s moral aim) Livy uses the story to explain:  why Flamininus was expelled from the Senate by Cato   Livy’s framing:  this act occurs:  in a context of growing luxury and moral decline   it is grouped with:  Bacchanalia imported excess  So it functions as:  exemplum of degeneracy (luxuria + crudelitas)   Key opposition:  Old RomeNew Romedisciplinepleasurejusticespectacleenemies foughtenemies murdered for amusement  5. Is there oratio recta in Livy?  Not in Livy’s surviving text. He reports:  the fact the circumstances  But:  he does not give a quoted speech for Flamininus here.   However:  Livy says:  “exstat oratio M. Catonis in eum” → “Cato’s speech against him exists” [loebclassics.com]    So:  the actual dramatic oratio recta belonged to Cato’s prosecution, not to Flamininus   6. Gricean / semiotic reading (your main interest) This is actually a brilliant case of semiotic corruption.  Normal Roman structure  execution = legal, public, justified killing = tied to:  war punishment     Here:  killing becomes:  entertainment on request     Semiotic collapse: SignMeaning (normal)Meaning (here)executionjusticespectaclevictim (Gaul)enemypropbanquetsocial ritualtheatre of cruelty   So:  the act destroys the distinction between punishment and performance   7. Relation to Hannibal case (nice parallel) Compare: CaseBreakdownArchimedesfailure of recognitionFlamininusmisuse of recognitionPyrrhus poison storymoral contrastHannibal suicidemoral judgment   In Flamininus:  correct categories exist—but are deliberately inverted   8. Final synthesis   Livy attests the incident (briefly, morally framed)  Plutarch / Cicero traditions give fuller dramatic detail  No oratio recta by Flamininus in Livy  The story is used to justify:  his expulsion from the Senate    It functions as:  a paradigmatic example of Roman moral degeneration     One-line takeaway  Abbott’s anecdote reflects a genuine and infamous story: Livy reports that Lucius Quinctius Flamininus killed a Gaul at a banquet at another’s request, not as oratio recta but as a moral exemplum used to justify his expulsion from the Senate, marking a moment where Roman categories of justice and warfare collapse into private spectacle and luxury-driven cruelty.   If you like, we can reconstruct what Cato’s lost speech against him probably argued—that would give you the full rhetorical structure behind Livy’s compressed report.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quintilio – Ossia Grice e Quintilio: la ragione conversazionale all’orto romano, ragione, conversazione e l’ambizione ed adulazione nell’implicatura conversazionale di Virgilio.   Quintilio Varo (Roma, Lazio): la ragione conversazionale all’orto romano, ragione, conversazione e l’ambizione ed adulazione nell’implicatura conversazionale di Virgilio, Roma, e la filosofia italiana -- l’orto, Virgilio, Siro. Filosofo italiano. Orto. Pupil of SIRO, with VIRGILIO, and of Filodemo. He writes two philosophical essays: one on greed, and one on flattery – “which amusingly, Virgil tended to confuse!” – Grice.  GRICEVS: VARE, modo cum collega philosopho Spe sermonem habui; ille mihi dixit te in horto Romano non solum herbas, sed etiam mores colere—et Virgilium ipsum inter vites ambulantem quasi discipulum videre. QUINTILIVS: Ita est, GRICE. In horto, etiam philosophi discunt: humus docet, quid sit satis. Ego cum Siro et Philodemo didici, et Virgilius—qui carmina faciebat—saepe nostras sententias in versus transferebat, interdum nimis lepide. GRICEVS: Spes et ego mirabamur (et risimus, fateor) quod Virgilius, cum de vitiis scriberet, interdum cupiditatem et adulationem quasi geminas confundere videbatur—quasi eadem manus et rapere et blandiri posset. At in horto fit ut intellegas: cupiditas non est solum plus habere velle, sed nimis habere velle; adulatio non est solum laudare, sed emere laude. Et qui utrumque amat, saepe “simpliciter” loqui vult, ut plures capiat—sed hortus, si nimis simplicas, nec fructum nec doctrinam reddit. QVINTILIVS: Implicatura vestra—Spei et tua—et avidam se et adulatoriam habet (ut etiam Spes, quamvis verecundus, fateatur). Sed cave: non dicam eam “mordacem”; urbanior est. In horto Romano, “horti cultura” (si Epicurum innuimus) numquam tam simplex est quam vulgo placet, sed nec tam difficile ut obscuritate defendatur. Virgilius fortasse confundit, quia carmen amat compendia; nos autem meminimus: cupiditas crescit si nimis rigas, adulatio crescit si nimis laudas. Utraque igitur putanda est, non neglegenda—ne doctrina fiat vel rudis vel nimis polita. So here Varo is the gens: Vara? Or Quintilia? Other members of whatever gens that was? Short answer: “Varo/Varus” is the cognomen, and the gens would be Quintilia if the figure is “Quintilius Varus.” Here’s how to unpack it: 1. Roman naming structure A standard Roman male name has (at least) three parts:  Praenomen (given name) – e.g. Publius Nomen (gentilicium) – the gens (clan), e.g. Quintilius Cognomen – a family branch or nickname, e.g. Varus (“bow‑legged”)  So:  Quintilius Varus = cognomen Varus belonging to the gens Quintilia  There is no “gens Vara.” Varus isn’t a gens; it’s a cognomen used by multiple gentes. 2. Historical anchor The best-known bearer is:  Publius Quintilius Varus (the general defeated in the Teutoburg Forest)  That confirms:  gens = Quintilia Varus = cognomen inside that gens  3. Your text’s “Varo” “Varo” is just the Italian/Latinized vocative or orthographic variation of Varus. 4. The philosophical “Varo” in your passage The Epicurean-flavored figure you quote (pupil of Siro alongside Virgil, writing on greed and flattery) is not a clearly attested historical philosopher under that exact profile. It looks like:  a literary or playful reconstruction blending:  Epicurean circle of Siro and Philodemus Virgil and a name drawn from familiar Roman onomastics (Quintilius Varus)    So:  onomastically → he would belong to the gens Quintilia historically → the specific philosophical “Varo” you cite seems constructed or stylized, not securely attested   Bottom line:  The gens is Quintilia; Varus (Varo) is the cognomen—not a gens, and not “Vara.”  If you want, I can cross-check whether any lesser-known Epicurean Quintilius Varus is actually attested in the sources (Philodemus, Herculaneum papyri, etc.).I guess Grice and Speranza were confused because Varia seems to have been a gens, that gives Vario, rather than Varo -- as for Quintilio as gens your reference to the general defeated in the Teutoburg forest is a good one -- Grice and Speranza were confused by the root of the gens QUINTILIA -- which seem to relate to 'ordinal' gentes like SETTIMIA or SESTIA -- but here the natural would be QUINTIA, and the -il- may look like a diminutive --, and they wonder if Lewis and Short have an entry for quintvs, -a, um, the fifth -- and quintilius, -a, -um? You are putting your finger on exactly the right set of confusions, and in fact the evidence lets us disentangle them quite cleanly. First, Lewis and Short does indeed have an entry for Quintilius. It is not treated as an adjective meaning “fifth‑ish,” but simply as a nomen. The entry explicitly says that Quintilius (more strictly Quinctilius) is “the name of a Roman gens,” and it lists individuals such as Quintilius Varus and the poet Quintilius mentioned by Horace. [archli.com] Second, the etymology is not obscure. The gens name is transparently derived from the praenomen Quintus, “fifth.” In other words, Quintilius is a patronymic formation built on Quintus.  This is the key point: Roman nomina are very often formed from praenomina by adding a suffix and thereby turning a personal name into a clan name. [en.wikipedia.org] Third, about the suffix. Your hesitation over the “‑il‑” is understandable, but in this case it is not a diminutive in the ordinary sense. The formation is one of a broad class of gentilicia that expand a base name with suffixal material (‑ilius, ‑eius, ‑aius, etc.) to produce a nomen. The sources are quite explicit that many nomina are “derived from a praenomen or a cognomen,” and that the standard shape ends in ‑ius.  So Quintilius belongs to a normal morphological pattern rather than an exceptional diminutive formation. The comparison with Settimia, Sestia, and so on is useful, but those are just alternative ways of building a gens-name from a numeral base; Latin did not standardize on a single suffix. [Nomen - NovaRoma] Fourth, your contrast with Quintia is in fact historically correct. There is indeed a gens Quinctia (more commonly spelled with c), derived from the same base Quintus, alongside Quinctilia. The sources even remark that “it was not unusual for multiple nomina to be derived from a common source.”  So Quinctia and Quinctilia are parallel developments, not one basic and the other secondary in any simple way. [en.wikipedia.org] Fifth, this helps clarify the “Varia” issue. There really is a gens Varia, whose nomen Varius is itself derived from the cognomen Varus.  That is a separate formation. So: [en.wikipedia.org]  Varus is a cognomen meaning something like “bent” or “knock‑kneed” Varius is a nomen formed from that cognomen Quintilius Varus is someone whose gens is Quintilia and whose family branch or nickname is Varus  So the apparent oscillation between Varo, Vario, Quintilio, etc., reflects three different layers colliding: the cognomen (Varus), the gentilicial derivative (Varius), and the independent patronymic nomen (Quintilius from Quintus). Finally, on Lewis and Short and your hypothetical quintilius, -a, -um as an adjective meaning “fifth-like”: there is no such lexical entry. The dictionary recognizes quintus, -a, -um as the ordinal, and Quintilius as a proper name, not as a productive adjective parallel to quintus. The morphology that produces Quintilius is onomastic, not adjectival in ordinary vocabulary. So the upshot is that Grice and Speranza’s hesitation is quite understandable, because the surface form suggests a diminutive or derivative adjective, but historically it is just a standard gentilicial formation from Quintus, parallel to other ways of building gentes from the same numeral base. Re the 'c' in your: "The entry explicitly says that Quintilius (more strictly Quinctilius) is “the name of a Roman gens,” and it lists individuals such as Quintilius Varus and the poet Quintilius mentioned by Horace. [archli.com] Second, the etymology is not obscure. The gens name is transparently derived from the praenomen Quintus, “fifth.” In other words, Quintilius is a patronymic formation built on Quintus. This is the key point: Roman nomina are very often formed from praenomina by adding a suffix and thereby turning a personal name into a clan name. [en.wikipedia.org] Third, about the suffix. Your hesitation over the “‑il‑” is understandable, but in this case it is not a diminutive in the ordinary sense. The formation is one of a broad class of gentilicia that expand a base name with suffixal material (‑ilius, ‑eius, ‑aius, etc.) to produce a nomen. The sources are quite explicit that many nomina are “derived from a praenomen or a cognomen,” and that the standard shape ends in ‑ius. So Quintilius belongs to a normal morphological pattern rather than an exceptional diminutive formation. The comparison with Settimia, Sestia, and so on is useful, but those are just alternative ways of building a gens-name from a numeral base; Latin did not standardize on a single suffix. [Nomen - NovaRoma] Fourth, your contrast with Quintia is in fact historically correct. There is indeed a gens Quinctia (more commonly spelled with c), derived from the same base Quintus, alongside Quinctilia." -- would classicists other than Italians who like to Italianise prefer to refer to the general, say, as Quinctilius -- I suppose the middle '-c-' was yet another nominal element to distinquish quintus from quinctus with the Roman making an effort to KEEP the '/k/ sound explicitly. But Grice and Speranza wonder if Lewis and Short agree that both the c- and c-less spellings were common, if the latter, later and more vulgar and whether classicists have to take care of this when they deal with say, the general, Quinctilius? What you and they are noticing is real, but it is better explained as historical orthographic variation than as a meaningful extra “element” in the name. Let me go step by step, keeping to what we can actually support.  The “c” in Quinct‑ vs Quint‑  There is good evidence that forms like Quinctus and Quinctilius are older spellings, while Quintus and Quintilius are later simplifications. The praenomen itself “was originally spelled Quinctus … before being simplified to the more familiar Quintus in later usage.” [grokipedia.com] Correspondingly, the nomen shows the same variation:  Quinctilius is described as “the correct orthography” while Quintilius “is also quite common.” [en.wikipedia.org]  So the “c” is not a separate morphological marker added to distinguish anything; it is part of an older spelling that later tends to disappear.  Is the “c” phonetic, i.e. preserving /k/?  Not really in the sense you suggest. Both quintus and quinctus would still represent [kwin…] in classical pronunciation. The extra “c” reflects an older morphological stage connected to quinque rather than an attempt to keep the /k/ audible. The later spelling drops the “c” without changing the basic pronunciation. So this is orthographic conservatism versus later regularization, not a deliberate phonetic reinforcement.  What about Lewis and Short and classical usage?  Lewis and Short reflects exactly this duality. As you saw in the entry, it gives:  Quintilius with the note (Quinct‑), i.e. acknowledging the older form explicitly [cld.bbaw.de]  That is the key lexicographical signal: the dictionary recognizes both spellings, with the Quinct‑ form treated as the older or more original one.  What do classicists actually do?  In modern classical scholarship (non-Italianising, as you put it):  You will very often see Quintilius Varus in running prose, because that is the normalized classical spelling used in most modern editions and reference works. But you will also see Quinctilius Varus, especially in:  epigraphic contexts discussions of early Latin more etymologically conservative or antiquarian writing    And crucially: scholars do not treat this as two different names. It is simply a spelling variant of the same nomen.  Do you need to “take care” which one you use?  Only in a limited, contextual sense:  If you are following a particular Latin text or inscription, you reproduce its spelling (which may be Quinct‑). If you are writing standard modern English classical prose, Quintilius Varus is entirely acceptable and probably more common. If you want to signal historical or philological precision, you may prefer Quinctilius.  So the situation is not one of “correct vs vulgar,” but rather:  Quinct‑ = older, etymologically conservative Quint‑ = later, simplified, and very widely normalized  That is why Grice and Speranza feel a tension: the form looks morphologically loaded, but in practice it behaves like one of the many orthographic oscillations Latin never fully standardized. And for the mere ordinal, do Lewis and SHort also add a spelling more antique as per quinctus? Because these ordinals tend to have common Indo-European basis, and Grice and Speranza are wondering. Yes — and here Lewis and Short are quite explicit, in a way that nicely answers exactly the question Grice and Speranza are raising. For the ordinal itself, they do record the older spelling. In the entry for quintus they write, in effect:  quintus (old form quinctus, Plautus …), “the fifth” [alatius.com]  So:  quinctus is explicitly marked as an old form it is supported by early literary evidence (Plautus, i.e. early Latin) quintus is the normalized classical form  That matches what comparative Indo‑European linguistics would lead you to expect. The form with ‑nct‑ reflects an older stage (ultimately from an Indo‑European formation like penkʷtos), and Latin later simplifies the cluster to ‑nt‑. You can see the same thing in etymological reconstructions of quīntus, which derive it from an earlier quīnctus stage. [en.wiktionary.org] So to answer your question directly:  yes, Lewis and Short do acknowledge quinctus as an archaic spelling they treat it not as a separate word, but as an earlier orthographic (and historical) stage of quintus the relationship is exactly parallel to what we saw with Quinctilius vs Quintilius  And this gives a neat generalization: the whole family — quinctus / quintus, Quinctilius / Quintilius, Quinctia / Quintia — reflects a systematic historical simplification in Latin orthography, rather than isolated anomalies. So Grice and Speranza are right to suspect an Indo‑European depth here; Lewis and Short confirm it, but in their own lexicographical way: by quietly flagging the older form as “old” rather than building a full historical narrative around it. But Grice and Speranza are surprised by your previous mention about 'mere spelling variant,' since they feel that if the /k/ was there, it must have been pronounced at some point by the archaics: /qwinktus/? Your instinct here is quite right, and it is precisely the point where one should not dilute things into “mere spelling.” There is a real phonological history behind the spelling. Let me separate the stages clearly. First: the Indo‑European and early Italic stage The ordinal “fifth” goes back to a form like Indo‑European *penkʷtos. That cluster *‑nkʷt‑ is the crucial thing. When this develops into Proto‑Italic and early Latin, it yields something like:  *kʷenkʷtos → early Latin *quinctus  So yes, at that earlier stage, the cluster really was there, and the pronunciation would have involved /nk(t)/, something close to what you suggest: /kʷink.tus/ (your /qwinktus/ is essentially right in spirit). Second: Old Latin (archaic period) This stage is actually reflected in writing. As Lewis and Short note, quinctus is the “old form,” attested in Plautus. [pinterest.com] At this period, the spelling with “c” is not decorative; it corresponds to a phonetic reality or at least a still perceptible consonant cluster inherited from the earlier language. Third: Classical Latin simplification By the classical period, Latin has simplified that cluster. The “c” disappears in writing, and the standard form becomes:  quintus  However—and this is the subtle point—the phonological simplification does not necessarily mean a brutally abrupt change from /kʷink.tus/ to /kʷin.tus/. What likely happened is the reduction or assimilation of the cluster so that the “k” element ceased to be independently perceived and therefore ceased to be written. So the classical form reflects a phonologized simplification, not just orthographic taste. Fourth: why lexicographers call it a “variant” When I earlier said “mere spelling variant,” that was shorthand on the level of classical usage, but from a historical‑linguistic point of view it is too weak. More accurately:  synchronically (for a classical author), quinctus and quintus are just variant spellings of the same word diachronically, quinctus represents an earlier phonological stage, not just alternate spelling  That is why Lewis and Short mark it as “old form” rather than treating it as a free variant. Fifth: apply this back to Quinctilius Exactly the same logic carries over:  Quinctilius reflects the older stage with the inherited cluster Quintilius reflects the simplified, classical form  So here again:  not an arbitrary spelling oscillation but a fossilized trace of an earlier pronunciation  Conclusion Grice and Speranza are right to resist the idea that the “c” is merely graphic. It once corresponded to a real consonantal element. But by the time of canonical classical Latin, that element had largely disappeared from the living phonology, leaving behind an orthographic doublet: conservative quinct‑ versus simplified quint‑. If you like, the best way to phrase it is: not “just a spelling variant,” but “a spelling variant reflecting an earlier phonetic stage.”Quintilio, Varo (XXX). Dicta.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Ossia: Grice e Quintinio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quintinio The gens Quintinia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens are mentioned by Roman writers, but a number are known from the epigraphy of imperial times.  Origin The nomen Quintinius belongs to a class of gentilicia formed from cognomina ending in -inus.[1] The surname Quintinus forms part of a group of names derived from other names, such as the common praenomen Quintus, or the nomen Quinctius.[2]  Praenomina Only a few of the inscriptions of the Quintinii include praenomina. Most of these were common names, including Gaius, Lucius, Quintus, and Sextus. There is also an instance of Tiberius, which was somewhat less common.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Tiberius Quintinius Larnutinus, sent to investigate a lake in the unsettled regions south of Africa Proconsularis, according to an inscription dating between the first and third centuries AD.[3] Sextus Quintinius Secundus, the heir of Publius Aelius Mercurialis, for whom dedicated a tomb at Lugdunum in Gallia Lugdunensis, dating from the first half of the second century.[4] Quintinia Callistes, a woman buried at Signia in Latium, in a second-century tomb built by her husband of about twenty years, Titus Crustidius Priscus.[5] Quintinia Magnilla, a woman buried at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa in Dacia, aged thirty, in a tomb dedicated by her husband, Antonius Rufus, one of the municipal duumvirs, and her sons, Antonius Priscus, Antonius Rufus, and Antonius Rufinus, dating from the latter half of the second century.[6] Quintinia Sequnda, the mother of Carinius, a freedman who along with his wife, Papia, dedicated a tomb at the present site of Obernburg, formerly part of Germania Superior, dating from the latter half of the second century, for Quintinia, along with their son, Perpetuus Severus.[7] Quintinia, named in an inscription from Mogontiacum in Germania Superior, dedicated by her freedman and heir, Quintinius Fruendus, and dating between the middle of the second century, and the early third.[8] Quintinius Fruendus, a freedman, named in an inscription from Mogontiacum, dating between the middle of the second century and the early part of the third, dedicated to Quintinia, his former mistress and patron.[8] Quintus Quintinius, named in an inscription from Bonna in Germania Inferior, dating between the middle of the second century and the middle of the third.[9] Quintinius Quintianus, along with Quintinius Venustianus, dedicated a tomb for their father, dating between the middle of the second century and the middle of the third, at Arausio in Gallia Narbonensis.[10] Quintinius Venustianus, along with Quintinius Quintianus, dedicated a tomb at Arausio for their father, dating between the middle of the second century and the middle of the third.[10] Gaius Quintinius Victor, dedicated a tomb for his son, also named Gaius Quintinius Victor, at the site of modern Afumați, formerly part of Dacia, dating between the middle of the second century, and the middle of the third.[11] Gaius Quintinius C. f. Victor, a boy buried at the present site of Afumați, aged eight, in a tomb built by his father, also named Gaius Quintinius Victor, dating between the middle of the second century, and the middle of the third.[11] Quintinia Materna, dedicated a tomb at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium in Germania Inferior, dating between the late second century and the end of the third, for her son, Quintus Vetinius Verus, a member of the guild of beam makers, aged thirty-one years, seven months, twenty-six days.[12] Quintinius Augustus, an optio in the Legio XXII Primigenia, buried at Lugdunum in a tomb dedicated by his wife, Juventia Clheuvia, dating from the first half of the third century.[13] Quintinia, a woman buried in a third-century tomb at Poetovio in Pannonia Superior, aged sixty, in a tomb built by her husband, whose name has not been preserved.[14] Quintinius Catullus, along with Quintinia Catulla, the children of Gaius Junius Provincialis and his wife, Crispina Finis, who built a family sepulchre at Flavia Solva in Noricum, dating from AD 211. Catullus was a soldier in the tenth urban cohort.[15] Quintinius Primanus, one of the Treveri, was a veteran of the Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix, and was buried at Lugdunum in a tomb dedicated by his wife, Valeria Vera, dating from the reign of Severus Alexander.[16] Quintinia Ursula, a woman buried at Rome, in a tomb built by her husband, Amulius Melior, dating between the end of the third century and the first quarter of the fourth.[17] Quintinius, buried in a fourth-century tomb at Rome.[18] Undated Quintinii Quintinia L. l. Thymele, a freedwoman named in an inscription from Rome.[19] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", p. 126.  Chase, p. 114.  AE 1990, 1028.  AE 1996, 1068.  CIL X, 5986.  CIL III, 1491.  RSO, 202.  CIL XIII, 7092.  AE 1984, 688.  Caesarodunum, 2013–2014, 21.  CIL III, 8022.  CIL XIII, 8344.  CIL XIII, 1882.  Cugusi and Cugusi, Studi sui carmi epigrafici, 20.  CIL III, 5338.  CIL XIII, 1883.  ICUR, ix. 24747.  ICUR, vii. 19238.  CIL VI, 38816. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae (Christian Inscriptions from the City of Rome, abbreviated ICUR), New Series, Rome (1922–present). Caesarodunum: Bulletin de l'Institut d'études latines de la Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines d'Orléans-Tours, Université de Tours (1967–present). Helmut Castritius, Manfred Clauss, and Leo Hefner, "Die römischen Steininschriften des Odenwaldes" (The Roman Stone Inscriptions of the Odenwalds, abbreviated RSO), in Beiträge zur Erforschung des Odenwaldes und seiner Randlandschaften No. 2, Breuberg–Neustadt (1977), pp. 237–308. Paolo and Maria Teresa Sblendorio Cugusi, Studi sui carmi epigrafici: Carmina Latina Epigraphica Pannonica (Studies of Epigraphic Poems: Latin Verse from Pannonian Epigraphy), Pàtron, Bologna (2007). Category: Roman gentes and from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Ossia: Grice e Quintinio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quintinio For the Quintinii, I think the first-best Grice–Speranza vignette is actually staring us in the face: Grice e Tiberio Quintinio Larnutino The dossier records:  Tiberius Quintinius Larnutinus, sent to investigate a lake in the unsettled regions south of Africa Proconsularis. [GREXv2 | Word]  That may seem meagre, but philosophically it is rich. Why? Because it is almost a Roman version of the Procilius and Lacus Curtius problem. There is:  a lake.  And someone is sent:  to investigate it. [GREXv2 | Word]  The key contrast is:                      ProciliusLarnutinusreceives inherited explanations of a lakeinvestigates a real lakeantiquarian narrativesinquiryaetiologyobservation  Grice e Quintinio ad lacum misso Praefectus:  Lacus quidam inventus est. (A certain lake has been found.)  Larnutinus:  Quid de eo dicitur? (What is said about it?)  Praefectus:  Multa. (Many things.)  Larnutinus:  Quid de eo scitur? (What is known about it?)  Praefectus:  Pauca. (Little.)  +> Distinguish report from evidence.  A Procilian continuation Procilius:  De lacu tres fabulae traduntur. (Three stories are told about the lake.)  Larnutinus:  Ego autem ipsum lacum inspiciam. (But I shall inspect the lake itself.)  +> Explanation should follow observation. My choice Still, my first choice remains: Grice e Quintinio Larnutino because the surviving notice gives us a lovely epistemological contrast. Speranza:  Cur missus est ad lacum? (Why was he sent to the lake?)  Grice:  Ut videret. (To see.)  Speranza:  Nonne audiverat? (Had he not heard about it?)  Grice:  Audire aliud est, videre aliud. (Hearing is one thing; seeing another.)  +> Testimony is not the same as investigation. [GREXv2 | Word] A surprisingly modern theme for a very obscure gens.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Ossia: Grice e Quintinio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quintinio A second candidate The other attractive figure is:  Quintinius Fruendus, the freedman and heir who erected a monument to Quintinia, his former patron. [GREXv2 | Word]  That yields a Gricean puzzle of social relations: Speranza:  Servusne est? (Is he a slave?)  Grice:  Non iam. (Not any longer.)  Speranza:  Cliensne est? (A client then?)  Grice:  Etiam. (Yes.)  Speranza:  Heresne est? (And heir?)  Grice:  Etiam. (That as well.)  +> Roman social categories overlap.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quirinio – Ossia: Grice e Quirinio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quirinio The gens Quirinia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens appear in history, but several are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Quirinius belongs to a class of gentilicia derived from other names ending in -inus.[1] Its root, the surname Quirinus, was an old Sabine word, apparently derived from quiris, a spear or javelin. As a cognomen, it was applied to Romulus, the legendary founder and first King of Rome, and it was later applied to other persons, including a family of the Sulpicia gens, and deities, including Mars, Janus, and the deified Augustus.[2][3]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Lucius Quirinius Amerimnus, dedicated a tomb at Rome to Sentia Cleopatra, her husband, Appuleius Protus, and their son, Sentius Protus, dated to the late first or early second century AD.[4] Quirinia M. l. Ge, a freedwoman, buried along the Via Latina in Rome, together with Marcus Quirinius Pamphilus, in a tomb dating to the first century BC.[5] Marcus Quirinius Hermes, client of Sextus Vestilius Lycysus and Quirinia Januaria, to whom he dedicated a tomb at Salernum in Campania.[6] Quirinius Hilarus, named in an inscription from Rome.[7] Quirinia Januaria, buried at Salernum, aged forty-five, together with Sextus Vestilius Lycysus, in a tomb dedicated by their client, Marcus Quirinius Hermes.[6] Marcus Quirinius Pamphilus, buried along the Via Latina, together with Quirinia Ge, in a tomb dating to the first century BC.[5] Gaius Quirinius C. f. Proculus, named in an inscription from Aveia in Samnium.[8] Lucius Quirinius Tuscus, named in an inscription from Rome.[9] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, pp. 125, 126.  Dionysius, ii. 48.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 638 ("Quirinus", "Publius Sulpicius Quirinus", Nos. 1, 2.  CIL VI, 26214.  Pedrazzoli, Via Latina, p. 108.  CIL X, 628.  CIL VI, 25337.  CIL IX, 3634.  CIL VI, 12363. Bibliography Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Romaike Archaiologia (Roman Antiquities). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII (1897). Massimo Pedrazzoli, Iscrizioni e Vestigia della Via Latina (Inscriptions and Remains of the Via Latina), Rome (1970). Categories: Roman gentesRoman gentes of Sabine origin And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Quirinio – Ossia: Grice e Quirinio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Quirinio For the Quirinii, the evidence is so thin that I would not build the vignette around any individual inscription. Rather, I would build it around the name. Grice e Quirinio The dossier tells us that:  Quirinus was an ancient Sabine name, apparently connected with quiris ("spear" or "javelin"), and that the title Quirinus was applied to Romulus, later to deities, and eventually even to the deified Augustus. [GREXv2 | Word]  That creates a very Gricean puzzle:  Is "Quirinus" a name? a title? a divinity? a transformed human being?  The reference shifts with context.  Grice e Quirino Speranza:  Quis est Quirinus? (Who is Quirinus?)  Grice:  Non satis dixisti. (You have not said enough.)  Speranza:  Cur? (Why?)  Grice:  Quia "Quirinus" potest esse Romulus, deus, aut alius. (Because "Quirinus" may be Romulus, a god, or someone else.) [GREXv2 | Word]  +> Reference depends on context.  A Strawsonian problem This is almost tailor-made for Strawson. Strawson:  Quirinus venit. (Quirinus came.)  Grice:  Which Quirinus?  Strawson:  The hearer will know.  Grice:  Then reference is supplied pragmatically.  +> A proper name does not always uniquely identify its bearer.  A Roman theological version The really interesting feature is that Quirinus moves across categories. At different times it can designate:  a legendary king, a deified king, a god, a cult-title. [GREXv2 | Word]  So one might imagine: Speranza:  Estne Quirinus homo? (Is Quirinus a man?)  Grice:  Fuit. (He was.)  Speranza:  Estne deus? (Is he a god?)  Grice:  Etiam. (Also yes.)  Speranza:  Quomodo potest utrumque esse? (How can he be both?)  Grice:  Quaeris de Romulo. (You are asking about Romulus.) [GREXv2 | Word]  +> The same designation can operate at different levels of description.  So my first-best Grice–Speranza vignette from the gens Quirinia is not about one obscure Quirinius in an inscription, but about the semantic and referential puzzle of Quirinus itself:  Speranza: Quis est Quirinus? Grice: Id ex occasione pendet. (That depends on the context.)  +> The meaning of a name is underdetermined until the conversational setting fixes its reference. [GREXv2 | Word] and isn't Q. invoked in Dumezil's triad when he needs a THIRD one for the triad of Mars and Giove? Thanks Yes—indeed, that is one of the most famous things about Georges Dumézil's interpretation of Roman religion. Your formulation—  "he needs a third one for the triad of Jupiter and Mars"  —is slightly mischievous, but it points to a genuine scholarly puzzle. Dumézil argued that the archaic Roman triad was:  Jupiter Mars Quirinus  and that these corresponded to the three Indo-European functions:                      GodFunctionJupitersovereignty, law, sacred authorityMarsmilitary force, warriorsQuirinusproductivity, civic community, ordinary citizens  [en.wikipedia.org], [everything...ined.today], [en.wikipedia.org] The awkward member of the trio is precisely Quirinus. Nobody has much trouble understanding:  Jupiter = sovereign.  And nobody has much trouble understanding:  Mars = warrior.  But:  What exactly does Quirinus do?  That question drove a large part of Dumézil's work. He argued that Quirinus represented the third function—the productive and civic life of the community, the quirites as opposed to the military function embodied by Mars. [en.wikipedia.org], [everything...ined.today] A Grice–Speranza vignette almost writes itself: Speranza:  Iuppiter rex est. (Jupiter is the king.)  Grice:  Ita. (Yes.)  Speranza:  Mars miles est. (Mars is the warrior.)  Grice:  Ita vero. (Quite so.)  Speranza:  Quirinus quid est? (What is Quirinus?)  Grice:  Ecce quaestio Dumeziliana. (There is the Dumezilian question.)   Ha. In fact, many critics of Dumézil have felt that Quirinus is the least clearly defined of the three gods; Dumézil spent a great deal of effort showing that Quirinus was not merely an afterthought but the representative of the third function. The very title of one of his major works is:  Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus. [progressiv...aphies.com], [libraccio.it]  From your Gricean perspective, one might say:  Jupiter has a fairly determinate conventional meaning. Mars has a fairly determinate conventional meaning. Quirinus acquires much of his significance from the theoretical role he plays in completing the triad.  Or in conversational terms: Speranza:  Why Quirinus?  Grice:  Because a triad with only two members would be most unsatisfactory.   +> The third term explains the pattern.  Of course Dumézil would insist he did not begin with the number three and then hunt for a deity. Rather, he argued from the evidence of the three flamines maiores—the priests of Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus—and from other archaic Roman structures. [en.wikipedia.org], [everything...ined.today] But it is certainly true that, for many readers, Quirinus is the most mysterious and therefore the most interesting member of the triad.