AP

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza : La Conversazione – I Verbali: AP

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apella – ossia: Grice e Apella: la scessi a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. According to Diogene Laerzio, a follower of the Scesi and writes an essay entitled “Agrippa.” Apella. Grice, pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice Apella: la scessi a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. According to Diogene Laerzio, a follower of the Scesi and writes an essay entitled “Agrippa.”  GRICEVS: Apella, audio te Scesis adhaerere atque libellum Agrippam conscripsisse; num ille Agrippa tam dubius est ut etiam titulus dubitet utrum sit liber? APELLA: Minime, Grice, titulus certissimus est, sed conclusiones ita suspenduntur ut lectorem ipsum in tabulario quaerendo relinquam. GRICEVS: Elegans disciplina—nam Skepsis est ars dicendi “fortasse” ita urbaniter ut nemo audeat respondere “certe.” APELLA: Et tamen, si quis me roget quid sentiam, respondebo more Scesis: “Agrippam scripsi; cetera vos ipsi inferte.”

 

Spaernza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apella – Ossia: Grice ed Apella. Apelle: il pentateismo a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. A gnostic who advances a complicated theology claimed by Ippolito di Roma to postulate *five* and five only gods. pentateismo. Apelle. Grice, pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice, “Grice ed Apelle.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonide – Ossia: Grice e Apollonide: il portico a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. A member of the Porch, and a friend and companion of CATONE  Minore. He is present at the latter’s death. Apollonide. Grice, pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice, “Grice ed Apollonide.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonide – Ossia: Grice e Apollonide: la scessi a Roma –filosofia italiana –  (Nizza). Filosofo italiano. He writes commentaries on lampoons composed by Timone di Flio and dedicates them to TIBERIO, the prince of Rome. He is presumably a member of the Scessi himself. Apollonide. Grice, pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice, “Grice ed Apollonide.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonio – Ossia: Grice e Apollonio: il portico a Roma – filosofia italiana

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonio – Ossia: Grice e Apollonio: il tutore del principe -- il portico a Roma 

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonio – Ossia: Grice e Apollonio: il portico a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). FIlosofo italiano. He belongs to the Porch and teaches in Rome. Apollonio. Grice, pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice, “Grice ed Apollonio.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollofane – Ossia: Grice e Apollofane: l’orto a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. He is in Pergamo, and sent on a mission to Rome on the city’s behalf. A follower of the Garden. Apollofane. Grice, pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice, “Grice ed Apollofane.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apuleio – Ossia: Grice e Apuleio: Roma antica – filosofia italiana – . He studies in Rome, where he practices as a lawyer. Apuleio. Grice, pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice, “Grice ed Apuleio.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apelle – Ossia: Grice ed Apelle: il pentateismo a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. A gnostic who advances a complicated theology claimed by Ippolito di Roma to postulate *five* and five only gods.  pentateismo. GRICEVS: Apelle, audivi te Romae quinque tantum deos numerare, atque timeo ne pantheon tuum plus custodem quam theologum requirat. APELLE: Non timeas, Grice: quinque sunt, nec plures admittuntur, ne dii ipsi in conventu nimis loquaces fiant. GRICEVS: Sed quid dicit Hippolytus—num te “gnosticum” vocat, an potius “arithmeticae studiosum” quia deos quasi digitis computas? APELLE: Hippolytus me arguit, ego autem respondeo me simpliciter parcere: quinque dii satiant, sicut quinque panes, et reliquias commentariis relinquo.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonide – Ossia: Grice ed Apollonide: il portico a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. A member of the Porch, and a friend and companion of CATONE  Minore. He is present at the latter’s death. GRICEVS: Apollonida, te in porticu Romana cum Catone Minore ambulare audivi, quasi philosophia ipsa sub columnis respiraret. APOLLONIDES: Ita vero, Grice, et Catonem comitabatur animus tam rectus ut etiam umbrae Stoicae quasi in ordinem redigerentur. GRICEVS: At cum ille moreretur, tu adfuisti—dic mihi, num etiam tunc Catoni “nihil nisi secundum naturam” visum est, vel saltem “nihil nisi sine strepitu”? APOLLONIDES: Adfui, et si licet iocari pie, ita constans fuit ut mors ipsa videretur discipula, non magistra.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonide – Ossia: Grice ed Apollonide: la scessi a Roma –filosofia italiana –  (Nizza). Filosofo italiano. He writes commentaries on lampoons composed by Timone di Flio and dedicates them to TIBERIO, the prince of Rome. He is presumably a member of the Scessi himself. GRICEVS: Apollonida, audivi te ex Roma ad Nicaeam transiisse, quasi philosophia ipsa vecturam quaereret. APOLLONIDES: Ita est, Grice, et dum Timonem Phliasium commentariis mordeo, Tiberio principi eas dedicare cogor, ne morsus meus in me redeat. GRICEVS: Prudens es—nam apud Scessos etiam satura habet regulas, sicut cena quae ridet sed non clamat. APOLLONIDES: Ergo rideamus modeste: ego lampoones interpretor, tu implicaturas, et uterque principem laudat ut securius verum dicat.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Grice ed Apollonio: il portico a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. A  member of the Porch, a friend of Cicerone, and like him, had been tutored by Diodoto. Apollonio. Refs. , pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice, “Grice ed Apollonio, GRICEVS: Apolloni, amice Ciceronis et condiscipule Diodoti, dic mihi—sub porticu Romae docens, num sermo tuus Stoicus est, an potius “gruppo di gioco” cum risu? APOLLONIVS: Stoicus sum, sed inter porticus columnas etiam iocari licet, nam Diodotus nos docuit rationem sine urbanitate esse quasi porticum sine umbra. GRICEVS: Ita vero, et Ciceroni placuisset ut disputatio esset tam nitida quam periodus eius—sed cave, ne discipuli te putent nimis gravem. APOLLONIVS: Noli timere, Grice: gravitatem tempero sales, ut Roma me toleret et Porticus me agnoscat, quasi philosophum Italicum qui et docet et ludit.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonio – Ossia: Grice ed Apollonio: l’oracolo -- Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. A celebrated teacher of rhetoric. CICERONE and GIULIO CESARE are among hi pupils. He writes an essay on philosophy in which he argues that the oracle at Delphi had NOT declared Socrates to be the wisest person alive because the pronouncement in question did not conform to the correct format of Delphic utterances. GRICEVS: Apolloni, tu qui Ciceronem et Caesarem docuisti, dic mihi num oraculum Delphicum umquam grammaticam didicit. APOLLONIVS: Didicit sane, nam ostendi illud Socratem non “sapientissimum” dixisse, quia responsum non erat more Delphico rite compositum. GRICEVS: Ergo Socrates sapientissimus non fuit, sed Apollo potius scriba severus qui formas custodit. APOLLONIVS: Ita est, et discipuli mei Romani hoc bene intellexerunt: in rhetorica saepe plus valet modus dicendi quam res dicta.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonio – Ossia: Grice ed Apollonio: il tutore del principe -- il portico a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. A  member  of the Porch who teaches two Roman princes, Commodo and Antonino. He is regarded with some suspicion by Antonino Pio, who thinks he charges too much – but ANTONINO  came to admire him greatly. In his “Ad seipsum”, Antonino describes A. as someone full of energy who knows how to relax, as someone who teaches him how to deal with pain and rely on reason, and as someone whose teachings are a model of clarity. GRICEVS: Apolloni, audivi te in Porticu Romae duos principes docere, Commodum et Antoninum; nonne timendum est ne discipuli imperent magistro? APOLLONIVS: Timeo tantum ne nimium petere videar, nam Antoninus Pius me quasi cauponem philosophiae suspicatur, cum ego mercedem potius sudoris quam verborum numerem. GRICEVS: At ille Antoninus qui “Ad seipsum” scribit te laudat ut hominem alacrem qui etiam quiescere scit, ergo pretium tuum fortasse est ipsa tranquillitas. APOLLONIVS: Ita, Grice, et si dolor pulsaverit, rationem ostendo quasi ianitorem sobrium, qui etiam Commodum docere conatur ne gladium pro argumento adhibeat.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollonio – Ossia: Grice ed Apollonio: il portico a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). FIlosofo italiano. He belongs to the Porch and teaches in Rome. GRICEVS: APOLLONI, audio te Porticum colere Romae; dic, num ibi sapientia ambulat, an tantum sub columnis umbra? APOLLONIVS: Sub porticu docemus in ipsa Roma, et si sapientia non ambulat, saltem discipuli ambulant et se sapientes putant. GRICEVS: Bene, sed philosophia Italica nonne more vino fit—quo vetustior, eo magis caput movet? APOLLONIVS: Ita est, Grice, sed in Porticu mea caput movet ad rationem, non ad ebrietatem—nisi quis nimium Stoice bibit.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.) ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apollofane – Ossia: Grice ed Apollofane: l’orto a Roma – filosofia italiana –  (Roma). Filosofo italiano. He is in Pergamo, and sent on a mission to Rome on the city’s behalf. A follower of the Garden. GRICEVS: Apollophanes, Pergamo missus Romam venisti quasi legatus Hortuli, sed cave ne Romani “hortum” putent locum ubi patroni clientes serunt. APOLLOFANES: Ego vero Epicureus sum, Grice, et ideo legationem gero ut pax et otium floreant, non ut in Foro strepitus alatur. GRICEVS: At dic mihi, si te rogant quid sentias de rebus publicis, respondebisne simpliciter an per implicaturam, sicut qui rosam dat et tacet? APOLLOFANES: Dabo rosam, tacebo, et si quis intellegere nolit, dicam me in Pergamo didicisse philosophiam, Romae autem solum patientiam.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Aponio – Ossia: Grice ed Aponio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Aponio. Funerary stele of Lucius A. Augustalis and Marcus A. Euphemus. The Aponii were a Roman family during the later Republic, and the 1st century of the Empire. The gens is known from only a few individuals. Quintus A., one of the commanders under Trebonius, Caesar's lieutenant in Hispania. Gaius A. Mutilus, apparently confused with Gaius Papius Mutilus, a Samnite leader during the Social War, in the history of Diodorus Siculus. Marcus A. Saturninus, governor of Moesia at the death of Nero, first espoused the cause of Vitellius, but deserted him for Vespasian. See also List of Roman gentes References  Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano 51973; CIL VI 37494.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, Editor.  Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1870). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)  GENS    This article about Roman gentes is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by adding missing information.  Categories: AponiiRoman gentesRoman gentes stubs So can you explain the change of loyalty in Aponio from Vitelio to Vespasio (which were the birth gens of these two, and their offices when the change of loyalty occur -- can we have a tryad with the three of them and Vitellio finding it all very confusing and uttering an epigram with implicature load? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Aponio – Ossia: Grice ed Aponio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Aponio.Excellent case: Aponius Saturninus gives you exactly what you want— a switch of loyalty under uncertainty, i.e. a perfect Gricean instability of commitment. Let me structure it in three layers:  I. The historical triad 1. The three figures (a) Vitellius  Full name: Aulus Vitellius [en.wikipedia.org] Gens: Vitellia [en.wikipedia.org] Position (69 AD):  proclaimed emperor by Rhine legions emperor (April–December 69) [en.wikipedia.org]     (b) Vespasian  Full name: Titus Flavius Vespasianus [en.wikipedia.org] Gens: Flavia [en.wikipedia.org] Position (69 AD):  commander in Judaea proclaimed emperor July 69 [en.wikipedia.org]     (c) Aponius Saturninus  Full name: Marcus Aponius Saturninus [en.wikipedia.org] Gens: Aponia Position (69 AD):  governor (legate) of Moesia [en.wikipedia.org]     II. The change of loyalty (explained) The sequence   Saturninus initially:  supports Vitellius writes to him reporting unrest [en.wikipedia.org]    But meanwhile:  eastern and Danubian armies shift toward Vespasian [en.wikipedia.org]    Saturninus:  defects to Vespasian crosses the Alps to join the Flavian forces [en.wikipedia.org]     Why the switch? The sources strongly imply:  opportunism under uncertainty he followed:  the army mood / “winning side” heuristic     not ideological, but probabilistic loyalty  Gricean reading This is not just political—it’s pragmatic:  “I support Vitellius” → implicates: “he is viable emperor”  When that implicature collapses:  statement becomes false-in-context speaker must revise commitment   Saturninus behaves like a speaker revising an implicature under changing evidence  III. The triad dialogue (Latin, 3 + epigram) Scene: rumors reach Rome; desertions occur  Saturninus: “Vitellium sequimur.” Nuntius: “Legiones Orientis Vespasianum imperatorem appellant.” Saturninus: “Ergo eum sequimur.” Vitellius (irritatus): “Heri meus eras, hodie alienus es.”  Vitellius’ epigram (with implicature) Vitellius: “Amici mei semper adsunt— sed numquam eosdem invenio.”  Translation  Saturninus: “We follow Vitellius.” Messenger: “The eastern legions proclaim Vespasian emperor.” Saturninus: “Then we follow him.” Vitellius: “Yesterday you were mine; today you are another’s.”  Epigram:  “My friends are always present— but I never find the same ones.”   IV. The implicature in the epigram What is said:  “my friends are always there”  What is meant:  “they are constantly changing sides”   Gricean mechanism  surface: stability (“always present”) implicature: instability of allegiance   classic irony via Quantity + clash of expectations  V. Deeper Speranzian reading The triad illustrates three “modes of commitment”:                      FigureModeVitelliusassumes loyalty = fixedVespasianattracts loyalty = emergentSaturninustreats loyalty = reversible  Philosophical point  Loyalty becomes a function of belief about collective belief  That is:  not “who is emperor” but “who others think is emperor”    Final Speranzian synthesis  Saturninus first supports Vitellius because he takes him to be emperor; when others take Vespasian to be emperor, he too takes him so, and changes sides accordingly; and Vitellius, observing this, complains not that he lacks followers, but that he cannot keep the same ones—thus discovering that in civil war allegiance behaves like an implicature, holding only so long as the background assumptions that sustain it remain in force.    Short answers  Gentes:  Vitellius → Vitellia Vespasian → Flavia Saturninus → Aponia   Offices during switch:  Vitellius = emperor Vespasian = general / claimant Saturninus = governor of Moesia   Switch reason:  pragmatic realignment, not ideology   Epigram:  supplied, with implicature load     If you like, we can extend this into a four-way comparison with Otho and Galba as “failed implicature stabilisers” in the same year.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Appio – Ossia: Grice ed Appio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Appio. The Appii were a family at Rome. “A.” is a patronymic surname based on the praenomen A. The gens does not appear to have been very large, and few of its members achieved great importance.  Sextus A. Sex. f. Severus, quaestor to Titus. Lucius A, Maximus Norbanus, an accomplished general under Domitian and Trajan. He put down the revolt of Lucius Antonius Saturninus in Germania Superior. He was consul. Although he enjoyed success in the Dacian War, he was defeated and killed in the Parthian War. Aurelius A. Sabinus, praefectus of Egypt.[10] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, pp. 151, 152.  CIL VI, 1348 = ILS 1003.  Kavanagh, "Cursus and Possible Origo of Sex. Appius Severus".  Cassius Dio, lxvii. 11, lxviii. 9, 30.  Pliny the Younger, Epistulae, x. 66.  Martial, ix. 85.  Aurelius Victor, Epitome, 11. § 10.  Smith 1849, p. 986.  PIR, vol. I, p. 117.  Bastianini, "Lista dei prefetti d'Egitto", p. 312. Bibliography Marcus Valerius Martialis (Martial), Epigrammata (Epigrams). Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny the Younger), Epistulae (Letters). Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus (Cassius Dio), Roman History. Sextus Aurelius Victor (attributed), Epitome de Caesaribus. Smith, William, ed. (1849). "Lucius Appius Maximus". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. Vol. II. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Guido Bastianini, "Lista dei prefetti d'Egitto dal 30a al 299p" ("List of the Prefects of Egypt from 30 BC to AD 299"), in Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, vol. 17 (1975). Bernard Kavanagh, "The Cursus and Possible Origo of Sex. Appius Severus", in Epigraphica, vol. 77, pp. 259–269 (2015). GENS    This article about Roman gentes is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by adding missing information.  Categories: Roman gentesAppiiRoman gentes stubs Which of the Appii seems the best Grice/Speranza fit? Thanks This is a nice “thin gens, strong choice” problem. With the Appii, we have very little narrative—but that actually helps: we look for the structure of a Gricean situation rather than sheer historical richness. Let me rank the candidates and justify.   Best fit: Lucius Appius Maximus Norbanus Why he stands out From your list:  general under Domitian and Trajan suppresses a revolt (Saturninus) later:  wins in Dacia loses and dies in Parthia     This gives us a sequence of conflicting evaluations:  success success failure   The Gricean tension The key question becomes:  What does “a successful general” mean?   Mini reconstruction Interrogator: “Appi, victor es an victus?” Appius: “Quoties vincor, nondum victus sum.” Interrogator: “Sed Parthi te interfecerunt.” Appius: “Una pugna hominem tollit—non totam vitam.”  Translation  “Appius, are you victor or defeated?” “Whenever I am beaten, I am not yet defeated.” “But the Parthians killed you.” “One battle removes a man—not an entire life.”   Gricean reading  “victor” / “defeated”:  superficially binary   Appius:  resists the scalar simplification     exactly like:  Antistius medicus (many wounds vs. one cause)    Second-best: Aurelius Appius Sabinus (prefect of Egypt) Why he works  Egypt = administrative precision prefect = interpretation of imperial orders   Gricean structure  emperor issues:  sparse edicts   prefect must:  infer application     institutional implicature (like Labeo, but executive rather than juristic)  Short Latin vignette Praefectus: “Imperator dixit parvum esse tributum.” Scriba: “Quantum est ‘parvum’?” Praefectus: “Quantum ferre possunt sine querela.”   classic Grice:  vagueness resolved pragmatically    Third: Sextus Appius Severus (quaestor) Weaker, but still usable:  subordinate office mediates between:  superior command financial execution     could support a miscommunication / under-specification vignette.  Why the others are weaker  no preserved speech contexts no clear interpretive tension purely career listings    Final ranking (Appii)                          RankFigureGrice/Speranza roleLucius Appius Maximussuccess/failure reinterpretationAurelius Appius Sabinusadministrative implicature Sextus Appius Severussubordinate inference   Final Speranzian synthesis  Among the Appii, it is Maximus who best illustrates the Gricean problem: for when a man is said to have been victorious, defeated, and both in turn, the hearer must decide what counts as the outcome of a life; and thus the meaning of “victory” is not fixed by the last event, but inferred across the whole.   If you like, we can contrast Appius Maximus with Aponius Saturninus—one oscillating between outcomes across time, the other between loyalties across belief.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Appuleo – Ossia: Grice ed Appuleo -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Appuleo. The Appuleii, occasionally written Apuleii, were a family at ancient Rome, which flourished from the fifth century BC into imperial times. The first of the gens to achieve importance was Lucius A., tribune of the plebs. The principal names used by the Appuleii were Lucius, Sextus, and Gaius. There is one early instance of the praenomen Quintus, but Marcus and Gnaeus are not found before the first century BC.  The cognomina of this gens are Decianus, Pansa, and Saturninus. Of these, only Saturninus was a regular surname. Decianus was first used by a member adopted from the Decia gens, and passed to his children. Lucius Appuleius, tribune of the plebs, impeached Camillus for having secreted part of the spoils of Veii.[2][3] Quintus Appuleius Pansa, consul. Lucius Appuleius, one of the Roman ambassadors sent to examine the state of affairs between Attalus and Prusias.[4] Marcus Appuleius M. f., a senator.[5] Lucius Appuleius, praetor in 59 BC, and governor of Macedonia in 58.[6][7] Appuleius, proquaestor, perhaps of Quintus Marcius Philippus, proconsul in Asia in 55 BC.[8] Appuleius, a praediator mentioned by TULLIO Cicero in two of his letters.[9] Marcus Appuleius, quaestor in Asia at the time of Caesar's death, proscribed by the triumvirs, but afterward restored to his native country. A,, probably tribune of the plebs, was proscribed by the triumvirs, and escaped with his wife to Sicily.[10] Sextus Appuleius Sex. f., married to Octavia the Elder, the half-sister of Augustus. Sextus Appuleius Sex. f. Sex. n., consul in 29 BC, was a nephew of Augustus. Marcus Appuleius Sex. f. Sex. n., consul in 20 BC, was another nephew of Augustus.[11] Sextus Appuleius Sex. f. Sex. n., consul in AD 14, was a grandnephew of Augustus, who died during his consulship. Appuleia Sex. f. Sex. n. Varilla, daughter of the consul of 29 BC.[12] Publius Appuleius Sex. f. Sex. n. Varus, a son of Sextus Appuleius, consul in 29 BC.[13] Appuleius Celsus, a physician from Centuripa in Sicilia, who was the tutor of Valens and Scribonius Largus.[14] Lucius Appuleius or Apuleius, the author of a Metamorphoses, better known as The Golden Ass. Lucius Appuleius Barbarus, a botanical writer, probably dating to the fourth century. Appuleii Saturnini Gaius Appuleius Saturninus, one of the commissioners sent by the Senate in 168 BC to inquire into and settle the disputes between the Pisani and Lunenses.[15] Lucius Appuleius Saturninus, praetor in 166 BC. Lucius Appuleius Saturninus, tribune of the plebs in 103 and 100 BC. Lucius Appuleius Saturninus, propraetorian governor of Macedonia in 58 BC. Appuleia, mother of Lepidus the Triumvir.[13] Appuleii Deciani Gaius Appuleius Decianus, tribune of the plebs in 98 BC. Gaius Appuleius C. f. Decianus, a negotiator at Pergamon and Apollonis in Asia Minor. Others Pseudo-Apuleius, a fourth century writer, also known as Appuleius Barbarus or Appuleius Platonicus. Lucius Caecilicus Minutianus Appuleius, a tenth century writer. See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. I, p. 248 ("Appuleia or Apuleia Gens").  Livy, v. 32.  Plutarch, "The Life of Camillus", 12.  Polybius, xxxii. 26.  Sherk, "Senatus Consultum De Agro Pergameno", p. 368.  Syme, "Senators, Tribes and Towns", pp. 111, 121–122.  Broughton, vol. 3, p. 23.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, xiii. 45, 46.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, xii. 14, 17.  Appian, Bellum Civile, iii. 93.  Cassius Dio, liv. 7.  Syme, The Augustan Aristocracy, p. 317  Appuleius. Strachan stemma.  Scribonius Largus, De Compositione Medicamentorum, 94, 171.  Livy, xlv. 13. Bibliography Polybius, Historiae (The Histories). Marcus Tullius Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, Epistulae ad Familiares. Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Scribonius Largus, De Compositione Medicamentorum (On the Composition of Medicines). Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus (Plutarch), Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Cassius Dio, Roman History. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952–1986). Syme, Ronald (1964). "Senators, Tribes and Towns". Historia. 13 (1): 105–125. JSTOR 4434822. Robert K. Sherk, "The Text of the Senatus Consultum De Agro Pergameno", in Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, vol. 7, pp. 361–369 (1966). Ronald Syme, The Augustan Aristocracy, Clarendon Press, Oxford (1989). Categories: AppuleiiRoman gentes Of the Appuleii perhaps we can have a dialogue between A. impeaching Camillo (gens?) for having secreted PART of the spoils of the Veii. with the implicature-laden first move starting like 'You secreted the spoils. Cam.: "Some" -- etc -- a second-best fit? The Golden Ass was not born in Italy, right? Thanks This is excellent—because with the Appuleii you actually get a very clean proto‑forensic / proto‑legal exchange, quite like Antistius, but earlier and more moralised. Let me do your three parts in order.  (1) Dialogue: Appuleius vs Camillus (Veii spoils) You are right: this is an implicature-rich beginning:  “You took the spoils.” → invites scalar correction   Latin dialogue (6 moves, sharpened) Appuleius (tribunus): “Camille, spolia Veientium subduxisti.” Camillus: “Partem, non omnia.” Appuleius: “Pars quoque populi est.” Camillus: “Quod servavi, rei publicae servavi.” Appuleius: “Non servasti—sed separasti.” Camillus: “Si partem abstuli, totum tamen non perdidi.”  Translation  “Camillus, you removed the spoils of Veii.” “A part, not the whole.” “A part also belongs to the people.” “What I set aside, I set aside for the state.” “You did not preserve it—you separated it.” “If I took a part, I did not lose the whole.”   Gricean core Move 1:  “spolia subduxisti” = strong accusation (totality implied)  Move 2:  “partem, non omnia” = scalar correction → classic Grice:  not all → implicates: “only some”     The tension              AppuleiusCamillusall-taking (corruption)partial-taking (mitigated act)  But Appuleius escalates:  “Pars quoque populi est”  → cancels the mitigation  shows:  even a scalar weakening does not neutralise responsibility   Elegant Speranzian formulation  Camillus tries to survive by scalar retreat (“not all”); Appuleius refuses the retreat by redefining the relevance of the part.   II. Best second Appuleius (after the Camillus accuser) We want:  another discursive situation not purely bureaucratic    Best second fit: Lucius Appuleius Saturninus (tribune, 103–100 BC) You listed him, and he is perfect:  populist tribune legislative agitation public persuasion political violence   Why he fits Grice/Speranza Because he works at the level of:  what a law promises vs what it implies   Mini vignette Populus: “Frumentum gratis dabis?” Saturninus: “Dabo.” Populus: “Ergo semper dabitur?” Saturninus: “Quod accipitis, hoc creditis perpetuum.”  Translation  “Will you give grain free?” “I will.” “So it will always be given?” “What you receive, you believe to be permanent.”   Gricean analysis  utterance:  “I will give” = present commitment   audience inference:  future permanence     classic implicature inflation  III. The Golden Ass (Apuleius) — origin Short answer  Correct: not Italian.  What we know  Author:  Lucius Apuleius   Origin:  Madauros (in North Africa)    So:  Roman, Latin writer—but African provincial, not Italian.   Why it matters (Speranza point) You get:  same nomen (Appuleius) radically different world:                       FigureDomainearly Appuleiusrepublican politicsSaturninusmass politicsApuleius (author)narrative, fiction, transformation  IV. Final synthesis (very neat triad) You now have:  Appuleius (Camillus case) → scalar implicature vs moral responsibility  Saturninus → promise vs inference (political manipulation)  Apuleius (author) → fiction vs transformation (semantic play itself)   Final Speranzian close  Among the Appuleii, one accuses by refusing the mitigation of “part,” another promises and lets the multitude infer more than is said, and a third turns the whole matter into fiction; for in each case the problem is the same—how far the listener may go beyond the words, and whether that excess belongs to error, persuasion, or art.    Short answers  Dialogue: supplied (Camillus, 6 moves, scalar implicature) Second-best fit: L. Appuleius Saturninus Golden Ass: yes—African (not Italian)   If you like, we can make Apuleius himself speak in a mock-Gricean dialogue where metamorphosis is treated as a failure of reference (“I said ‘man’, and meant ‘ass’”).

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apronio – Ossia: Grice ed Apronio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Apronio. The Apronii were a family at ancient Rome throughout the history of the Republic and into imperial times. The first member of the gens to achieve prominence was Gaius A., tribune of the plebs. None of the Apronii obtained the consulship until the first century AD. The Apronii are known to have used the praenomina Gaius, Quintus, and Lucius. The only cognomen associated with the Apronii is Caesianus, which is probably derived from the nomen of the gens Caesia, and may indicate descent from the Caesii through the female line. Gaius Apronius, elected one of the tribunes of the plebs on the abolition of the decemvirate.  Quintus Apronius, the chief of the decumani in Sicily during the government of Verres (73-71 BC), was the target of Cicero's vituperation for his rapacity, sexual perversions, and varieties of wickedness.[3] Lucius A., consul suffectus in AD 8, and subsequently proconsul in Africa and propraetor in Germania Inferior, where he was unsuccessful in quelling in a revolt of the Frisii. Apronia L. f., murdered by her husband, Marcus Plautius Silvanus, praetor in AD 24.[4] Apronia L. f., wife of Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus, consul in AD 26.[5] Lucius Apronius L. f. Caesianus, consul in AD 39.[6][7] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, Editor.  Titus Livius, Ab Urbe Condita iii. 54.  Marcus Tullius Cicero, In Verrem ii. 44, iii. 9, 12, 21, 23.  Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales iv. 22.  Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales vi. 30.  Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales iii. 21.  Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman History lix. 13.  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1870). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)  Category: Roman gentes For the Apronii below (i) we can have a little dialogue with the A. mentioned by TULLIO CICERONE -- and (ii) the A. who failed to quell a revolt of the Frisii -- what does this mean? Gice is intereseted because Procopius says taht there were FOUR tribes to sail to BRITANNIA: the angles, the saxons, the jutes, and the frisii -- does this Apronio mean that the Frisi were UNDER ROMAN RULE, if revolting? re (a) perhaps we can have Tullio's specifications about what he found odd in Apronio. Thanks -- This is a very rich pairing: Apronius (Ciceronian villain) and Apronius (Tacitean general) give you two almost perfectly complementary Gricean situations:  one = over-signalling vice beyond words the other = failure of imperial interpretation at the frontier  Let me take your two parts carefully.  I. (a) Cicero on Quintus Apronius (the Sicilian decumanus) What Cicero actually does is very striking:  he does not merely describe Apronius’ acts he makes his face, tone, and bearing themselves evidence  Example (compressed from your passage):  “Look at his face… from his defiant expression imagine what he was in Sicily.” [loebclassics.com]   This is already proto‑Grice:  what is seen → implicates what is meant (character)   A short Latin dialogue (Ciceronian style)  Cicero: “Apronī, non solum fecisti—sed etiam ostendis.” Apronius: “Quid ostendo?” Cicero: “Vultus tuus plus dicit quam verba tua.” Apronius: “Ego nihil dico.” Cicero: “Id ipsum est: nihil dicis—et omnia intelleguntur.”  Translation  “Apronius, you have not only acted—you display it.” “What do I display?” “Your face says more than your words.” “I say nothing.” “That is precisely it: you say nothing—and everything is understood.”   Gricean point This is almost perfect:  no explicit confession yet:  implicature from demeanor     a kind of non‑natural meaning without speech  Cicero’s “oddity” about Apronius What he finds “odd” (really monstrous):  not just greed but:  defiant openness of vice    He says (paraphrasing faithfully):  Apronius was chosen by Verres because:  he matched him in vice and audacity [loebclassics.com]   his very expression reveals:  a habitual violence and arrogance     So:  Apronius does not hide implication—he radiates it   II. (b) Apronius and the Frisii revolt What happened  Lucius Apronius (governor of Germania Inferior) sent to suppress a Frisii revolt (AD 28) [en.wikipedia.org]   Why the revolt matters The Frisii:  were not a fully Roman province but:  subject to tribute and Roman authority (loose control) [fortisetliber.com]   had been:  subjugated earlier and taxed (e.g. hides) [en.wikipedia.org]     So your key question: Were they “under Roman rule”?  Answer:  Yes—but imperfectly: tributary, semi‑independent, frontier clients   not like Gaul (fully provincial) not like Germania totally free but:  in a buffer zone of indirect control     Why they revolted  escalating taxation abuse by Roman officials eventually:  killing tax collectors besieging Roman forts [en.wikipedia.org]     Apronius’ failure  he intervenes militarily but:  Roman troops are mishandled heavy losses (e.g. disasters in woods) [grokipedia.com]     Result:  prestige failure—even if not total military collapse   III. Gricean interpretation of the Frisii case This is subtle and very good for Grice.  Roman utterance (implicit)  “You are our subjects/clients”  Frisii hearing  interpret:  “reasonable tribute, mutual obligation”     Roman practice  escalating demands reinterpret tribute (e.g. bigger hides)   creates mismatch:  what is said ≠ what is done   Frisii response  treat Roman behaviour as:  breach of cooperative expectations   → revolt   So:  breakdown of the Cooperative Principle at imperial scale   IV. Dialogue for Apronius and the Frisii  Legatus Romanus (Apronius): “Tributum quod debetis reddite.” Frisius: “Debemus quod convenit, non quod exigitur.” Apronius: “Imperium nostrum maius est quam conventio vestra.” Frisius: “Verba vestra constant—facta mutantur.”  Translation  “Pay the tribute you owe.” “We owe what was agreed, not what is demanded.” “Our imperial authority is greater than your agreement.” “Your words remain the same—your actions change.”   Gricean core  Roman:  assumes authority overrides interpretation   Frisii:  insist on:  original implicature of agreement       V. Your Procopius point You are quite perceptive:  Procopius lists:  Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Frisii     This matches:  archaeological + historical suggestion:  some Frisii later migrate to Britain [en.wikipedia.org]     Link with Apronius  revolt shows:  looseness of Roman control   later migration shows:  inability to stabilize frontier     So:  Apronius’ failure is part of the larger limit of Roman imperial semantics in the North    Final Speranzian synthesis  In Sicily, Apronius says little and is understood too much, for his very bearing carries the meaning of his crimes; in Germania, Rome says much and is understood too little, for its words of tribute are taken as agreement while its actions exceed them; and thus in both cases the same principle appears—that meaning depends not on what is said alone, but on the expectations that bind speaker and hearer, whether in a court at Rome or on the marshes of the Frisii.    Short answers  Cicero’s Apronius: → implicature from demeanour + audacity Frisii revolt: → yes, semi‑subject tributaries (not full province) Apronius’ failure: → breakdown of trust + mismanaged frontier war   If you like, we can next align Apronius (Tacitus) with Aponius (your previous case)—both are governors who misread shifting loyalties, but in different ways.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Apustio – Ossia: Grice ed Apustio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Apustio. The Apustii were a family at Rome during the period of the Republic. The first member of this gens who obtained the consulship was Lucius A. Fullo. The praenomina associated with the Apustiii included Lucius, Gaius, and Publius. The only significant branch of the Apustia gens at Rome bore the cognomen Fullo. It was probably derived from the occupation of one of the Apustii, a cleaner of woolen cloths. Gaius Apustius, grandfather of the consul of 226 BC. Lucius Apustius, father of the consul of 226 BC.[5] Lucius Apustius L. f. C. n. Fullo, consul in 226 BC, prepared for a Gallic invasion. Lucius Apustius L. f. L. n. Fullo, praetor in 196 BC. Lucius Apustius, commander of the Roman troops at Tarentum in 215 BC.[6] Lucius Apustius, legate of the consul Publius Sulpicius Galba in Macedonia during the war against Philip in 200 BC, and later of Lucius Cornelius Scipio in 190.[7] Publius Apustius, one of the ambassadors sent to the younger Ptolemaeus in 161 BC.[8] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, Editor.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, Editor.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, Editor.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, Editor.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, Editor.  Titus Livius, Ab Urbe Condita xxiii. 38.  Titus Livius, Ab Urbe Condita xxxi. 27, xxxvii. 4, 16.  Polybius, The Histories xxxii. 1.  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1870). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)  Category: Roman gentes What would the best GRice/Speranza fit from the Apustii for you be, complete with dialogue? Thanks The Apustii are thinly documented, but that actually makes one of them stand out very cleanly if you look for a Grice/Speranza structure rather than historical drama.   Best fit: Lucius Apustius (legate/ambassador figure) Why this one (rather than the consul or the Tarentum commander)? Because:  He appears in embassy / legation contexts (Macedonia, Ptolemaeus) These are purely verbal situations:  negotiation promises interpretation of terms     exactly where Gricean implicature lives or fails  I. Why not the others?                          FigureReasonConsul (226 BC)strategic / military → less discursivePraetoradministrativeTarentum commanderaction, not speechLegatespeech + negotiation + misinterpretation  II. Core Gricean structure An embassy operates on:  saying less than one means letting the other side draw conclusions  But also:  risk that the other side over‑ or under‑infers   III. Dialogue (Apustius as Roman legate in Macedonia) Let’s place him with Philip V (as Livy suggests his presence in Macedonian diplomacy).  Latin dialogue (6 moves) Apustius (legatus Romanus): “Rex, pacem cupimus.” Philippus: “Pacem, an imperium?” Apustius: “Pacem, si par sit.” Philippus: “Quid est ‘par’?” Apustius: “Id quod a vobis sine deditione dari potest.” Philippus: “Intelligo: vocas pacem hoc quod ego servitutem dico.”  Translation  “King, we desire peace.” “Peace—or domination?” “Peace, if it be fair.” “What is ‘fair’?” “That which you can give without surrender.” “I understand: you call ‘peace’ what I call ‘servitude.’”   IV. Gricean analysis Step 1: deliberate vagueness  “pacem cupimus” → underspecified speech act   Step 2: scalar ambiguity  “pacem, si par sit”   “if fair” = classic empty qualifier  Step 3: collapse of implicature  Philip tries to extract:  real meaning   discovers:   Roman “peace” implicates asymmetry   This is key Apustius is not lying. He is:  speaking minimally and letting the other infer the real conditions   V. Why this is the best Apustius fit Because it shows:  diplomacy as:  managed implicature   and its failure as:  explicit unpacking     VI. The “Fullo” background (nice Speranza touch) The cognomen Fullo (cloth‑cleaner):  suggests:  purification removal of stains     metaphorical extension:  Apustius “cleans” language (removes explicitness, leaves implication)  A very Speranzian move.  VII. Secondary candidate (brief) If you want a second:  Lucius Apustius at Tarentum (215 BC)  military command could support:   misinterpretation of orders / signals in war  But weaker than the ambassador.   Final Speranzian synthesis  Among the Apustii, it is the legate who speaks best for Grice: for when he says “we seek peace,” he says less than he means, and relies upon the hearer to supply the rest; and when the hearer does so correctly, he discovers that the difference between peace and submission lies not in the word itself, but in the implicature that accompanies it.    Short answer  Best fit: Lucius Apustius as legate/ambassador Why: diplomacy = controlled under‑specification Dialogue: supplied with implicature collapse   If you like, we can now compare this Apustius with Apronius (Frisii case)—one where implicature fails diplomatically, the other where it fails administratively.