SP

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spa

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spaventa – Ossia: Grice e Spaventa: la ragione conversazionale e l’origine italico dello spirito filosofico. Note sugl’Studi sull’etica. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice. Bertrando Spaventa (Bomba, Abruzzo): la ragione conversazionale e l’origine italico dello spirito filosofico. In comparing Grice with Spaventa, a shared concern emerges with reason as something exercised in and through form, rather than imposed as a finished doctrine, but their points of departure and emphases diverge in telling ways. Spaventa’s notion of ragione conversazionale belongs to a historicist and idealist framework in which reason unfolds dialogically across epochs, nations, and traditions: philosophy advances through a circulation of ideas in which Italian thought migrates outward (to Germany) and returns transformed, reappropriated as a self-conscious, national, and political spirit. Reason, for Spaventa, is the self-creation (autoctisi) of the subject in history, achieved through dialectical confrontation with the other and ultimately oriented toward cultural and civic praxis. Grice, by contrast, strips reason of historical teleology and national destiny, relocating it at the micro-level of ordinary interaction. His theory of reason-governed conversational meaning does not describe the self-realization of Geist, but the normative expectations underwriting intelligible communication between speakers: intentions, mutual recognition, and shared principles of rational cooperation. Where Spaventa sees conversation as the large-scale movement of spirit across traditions, Grice sees it as the local, rule-governed activity by which agents make themselves intelligible here and now. Yet the affinity is real: both reject doctrinal metaphysics in favor of reason as an activity, both assign primacy to the subject as a rational agent rather than a passive bearer of truths, and both understand philosophy as inseparable from dialogue—Spaventa’s transnational and historical, Grice’s interpersonal and pragmatic. In this sense, Grice’s conversational rationality can be read as an English, analytic analogue to Spaventa’s idealist vision: a demystified, non-Hegelian account of how reason lives not in systems, but in the disciplined practice of exchange. Grice: “S. fundamentally shifted Italian philosophy by professionalizing it through a  non-doctrinal Hegelianism. His work established a template for Continental philosophy—characterized by a focus on the subject, historicism, and the political application of dialectics—that eventually paved the way for both the Left-Hegelianism of Antonio Labriola and the "Actualism" of Gentile. The "Circulation of Ideas" and Historicism Spaventa’s most influential thesis was the "circulation of Italian thought," which argued that the modern spirit of philosophy began with Italian Renaissance thinkers like Bruno and Campanella.  Nationalizing Hegel: He claimed that German Idealism (Kant, Hegel) was not foreign but rather the mature development of seeds planted by Italians. Impact: This allowed Italian philosophy to move beyond provincial Catholicism and join the European "continental" conversation, integrating historical reality with metaphysical theory.  2. Primacy of the Subject (Epistemological Shift) Moving away from rigid system-building, Spaventa reinterpreted Hegelian categories to give primacy to the thinking subject.  Subjectivity over Objectivity: He focused on the Phenomenology of Spirit as much as the Logic, emphasizing the internal process of consciousness. Autoctisis: He coined the term autoctisis (self-creation) to describe human liberty as the continuous "fashoning of oneself" through thought.  3. Direction Towards the "Left" and Political Praxis While S. served the Historical Right in parliament, his philosophical innovations provided the scaffolding for Italian Marxism and leftist continental thought:  italianita, Englishry, Englishness, English nation, the English, the English tongue, the tongue of the English, the tongue of the Anglians, the English spirit, the English ghost. Grice: A proposito, caro Spaventa, devo confessarti che l’unico Bertrando che conosco, a parte te, è Russell! Mi chiedo se anche tu, di tanto in tanto, non abbia avuto a che fare col celebre filosofo inglese, almeno idealmente... Spaventa: Grice, mi fa sorridere! In effetti, il mio spirito filosofico ha viaggiato molto, ma più che con Russell, ho preferito dialogare con Hegel e i nostri italiani, da Bruno a Campanella. Sono convinto che l’origine dello spirito filosofico sia profondamente italica, anche se il pensiero inglese conserva sempre un suo fascino. Grice: Beh, allora potremmo dire che il tuo “circulation of ideas” è proprio una conversazione transnazionale! Forse la filosofia, come il buon vino, si arricchisce passando da una terra all’altra. Ma, dimmi, ti senti più vicino all’idealismo tedesco o al genio rinascimentale italiano? Spaventa: Ottima domanda! Io credo che il vero filosofo sappia riconoscere le radici italiane nel pensiero europeo, senza rinnegare i frutti tedeschi. L’autocreatività dello spirito, come la chiamo, nasce proprio dal confronto: riflettere su sé stessi, dialogare con l’altro, e reinventarsi ogni giorno. In fondo, anche noi oggi, Grice, stiamo creando nuovi sentieri filosofici… a proposito! Spaventa, Bertrando (1844). Introduzione/Programma – Il Foglio. Napoli.

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spe

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spedio – Ossia: Grice e Spedio -- GREX GRICEIANA – verbalia: SPEDIO The gens Spedia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens are mentioned in ancient writers, but many are known from inscriptions, and several were locally important, serving as duumvirs at Antinum in Samnium, Pompeii in Campania, and Sarmizegetusa in Dacia.  Origin The nomen Spedius is probably of Oscan origin, as many of the inscriptions of this gens are from Samnium and surrounding regions in central and southern Italy, and the early Spedii used a number of Oscan praenomina.  Praenomina The Spedii used a variety of common praenomina, chiefly Lucius, Gaius, Publius, and Quintus. The older epigraphy shows that they used the less-common praenomina Vibius, Numerius, and Salvius, all of which were typical in families from Oscan-speaking regions.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Spedia, buried at Portus in Latium, with a monument from her husband Lucius Larg[...], dating to the reign of Hadrian.[1] Spedia, dedicated a second-century tomb at Saepinum in Samnium for her father, Gaius Aedius Crescens, one of the Seviri Augustales.[2] Spedia P. l., a freedwoman named in a sepulchral inscription from Bononia in Cisalpine Gaul.[3] Spedia Q. f. M. n., dedicated a tomb at Atina in Latium, dating from the Julio-Claudian dynasty, for her father, Quintus Spedius.[4] Spedia, or Cerrinia Celerina, buried at Beneventum in Samnium, with a monument from her husband, Gaius Liconius Celer, to whom she had been married for forty-seven years and eight months.[5] Spedius, buried at Rome, in a tomb dedicated by his wife, whose name has not been preserved.[6] Spedius, named in a pottery inscription from Altinum in Venetia and Histria.[7] Spedius, dedicated a tomb at Carales in Sardinia, for his brother, Rufus Valentinus, the son of Tabusus, aged thirty, a soldier in the cohort of the Aquitani, in the middle part of the first century.[8] Spedius, a centurion serving in the Legio X Gemina at Carnuntum in Pannonia Superior in AD 68.[9] Spedius, mentioned in an inscription from Rome, dating to AD 438.[10] Gnaeus Spedius Q. f., along with his brother, Lucius, mother, Maria, and sister-in-law, Varia, dedicated a tomb at Terventum in Samnium for his brother, Quintus Spedius Albanus.[11] Lucius Spedius, one of the Seviri Augustales, honoured by an inscription at Brundisium in Calabria, dating from AD 32 or 33.[12] Lucius Spedius Q. f., along with his brother, Gnaeus, mother, Maria, and sister-in-law, Varia, dedicated a tomb at Terventum in Samnium for his brother, Quintus Spedius Albanus.[11] Lucius Spedius Sal. f., named in an inscription from Aquileia in Venetia and Histria, dating from the first half of the first century BC, along with his brother, Publius.[13] Publius Spedius, named in a first-century inscription from Abellinum in Samnium.[14] Publius Spedius P. f., one of the quattuorvirs at Antinum in Samnium, buried in a second-century tomb dedicated by Spedia Felicia and Spedia Optata.[15] Publius Spedius P. f., named in an inscription from Narona in Dalmatia, dating from the first century, or the first half of the second.[16] Publius Spedius Sal. f., named in an inscription from Aquileia, dating from the first half of the first century BC, along with his brother, Lucius.[13] Quintus Spedius M. f., buried at Atina, in a tomb dating from the Julio-Claudian dynasty, dedicated by his daughter, Spedia.[4] Quintus Spedius P. f., buried at Supinum Vicus in Sabinum, aged twenty-seven, in a tomb dedicated by his parents.[17] Titus Spedius V. f., buried at Parma in Cisalpine Gaul during the latter half of the first century, along with his wife, Satria.[18] Gaius Arrius Spedius Actianus, a man of senatorial rank, named in a late third- or early fourth-century inscription from Abellinum.[19] Publius Spedius P. l. Adjutor, a freedman named in an inscription from Narona, dating from the second century, or the latter half of the first.[20] Quintus Spedius Q. f. Albanus, buried at Terventum, aged twenty-three, in a tomb dating from the first half of the first century, dedicated by his wife, Varia, mother, Maria, and brothers, Lucius and Gnaeus Spedius.[11] Lucius Spedius L. l. Amandus, a freedman who was selected as one of the magistrates of the Vicus Salutaris, a ward of the tenth region of Rome, in AD 136.[21] Spedius Antymo[...], named in a first-century inscription from Herculaneum in Campania.[22] Spedia Apula, buried at Beneventum, aged thirty-two years, six months, and six days, in a tomb dedicated by her husband, Gaius Umbrius Primus, to whom she had been married for seven years, seven months, and seven days.[23] Gaius Spedius C. f. Asiaticus, built a sepulchre at Corfinium in Sabinum for his parents, Gaius Spedius Atimetus, and Allidia Statuta, dating between AD 1 and 70.[24] Spedius Atimetus, dedicated a tomb at Valva in Lucania, for his old nurse, Castricius Marcianus, dating between AD 170 and 250.[25] Gaius Spedius Atimetus, one of the Seviri Augustales, buried at Corfinium, along with his wife, Allidia Statuta, in a tomb dedicated by their son, Gaius Spedius Asiaticus.[24] Gaius Spedius C. f. Bassus, a boy buried at Cosilinum in Lucania, aged six years, ten months, along with his sister, Spedia Galla, in a tomb dating from the time of Augustus.[26] Spedia Callisto, a freedwoman buried at Ravenna in Cisalpine Gaul during the latter half of the second century, in a tomb dedicated by Spedia Fortunata.[27] Lucius Spedius L. f. Capitulus, named in an inscription from Atria in Venetia and Histria.[28] Spedia Chreste, named in an inscription from Rome, dating from the first half of the first century.[29] Lucius Spedius Chrysanthus, buried at Palmyra in Syria.[30] Spedia Clara, probably the wife of Publius Libarius, dedicated a tomb at Abellinum, dating from the early or middle first century, for herself, Gaius Hostius, and Gaius Tullius Clemens.[31] Gaius Spedius Clemens, duumvir of the colony of Sarmizegetusa, where he dedicated a tomb for his wife, Cornelia Faustina, dating to the first half of the second century.[32] Marcus Spedius M. f. Corbulo, a native of Hippo in Africa Proconsularis, a soldier named in a military diploma from Syria, dating from AD 105.[33] Spedia L. C. l. Cuca, a freedwoman named in a first-century inscription from Rome.[34] Gaius Spedius C. f. Cyrenaeus, a soldier in the century of Firmus, in the fifth cohort of an unspecified military unit stationed at Mons Claudianus in Egypt, where they dedicated a shrine to Apollo at the Hydreuma.[35] Numerius Spedius V. f. Dexsanicus, buried at Aeclanum in Samnium, during the late first century BC, or the early first century AD.[36] Publius Spedius P. l. Dionysius, a freedman named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, dating from the first half of the first century.[37] Spedia Euplia, dedicated a monument at Ostia for a slave-child, Parthenope, aged one year, eleven months, and twenty-five days.[38] Spedia L. l. Eutaxia, a freedwoman who dedicated a tomb at Rome for her husband, the freedman Amianthus.[39] Spedia Felicia, along with Spedia Optata, dedicated a second-century tomb at Antinum to Publius Spedius, the quattuorvir.[15] Spedia Felicissima, dedicated a tomb at Aeclanum for her husband, Lucudeius Festinus.[40] Gaius Spedius Felix, buried at Lacum Mephiticum in Samnium, with a monument from his client, Spedia Maximina.[41] Lucius Spedius Firmus, buried at Rome in a second-century tomb dedicated by his wife, Aurelia Felicissima.[42] Quintus Spedius Q. f. Firmus, one of the duumvirs at Pompeii in Campania during the late first century BC, or early first century AD.[43] Spedia P. f. Fortunata, buried at Rome, along with her father, Publius Spedius Successus, in a tomb dedicated by her mother, Artemas.[44] Spedia Fortunata, dedicated a tomb for Spedia Callisto at Ravenna, dating to the latter half of the second century.[27] Spedia C. f. Galla, a little girl buried at Cosilinum, aged two years, ten months, along with her brother, Gaius Spedius, in a tomb dating to the time of Augustus.[26] Spedia Helpis, a freedwoman buried at Patrae in Achaia during the second century, perhaps dedicated by a Fortunatus.[45] Gaius Spedius Hermias, flamen of the colony of Sarmizegethusa in Dacia, made an offering to Aesculapius and Hygeia during the second or early third century.[46] Spedia L. l. Laudica, a freedwoman, dedicated a monument at Casilinum in Campania, dating to the late first century BC, or early first century AD, for herself and her son, Lucius Spedius Pamphilus.[47] Marcus Spedius Magnus, buried in a late first-century tomb at Rome, dedicated by his wife, Scoedia Herois.[48] Spedia Marcelina, dedicated a monument at Narona in Dalmatia to her son, Spedius Paulinus, dating from the third century, or the latter half of the second.[49] Spedia L. f. Marcia, a little girl buried in a second-century tomb at Rome, aged three, along with her father, Lucius Spedius Romulus, in a tomb dedicated by her mother, Flavia Vitalis.[50] Spedia Materna, dedicated a second-century family sepulchre at Singidunum in Moesia Superior for her husband, Titus Flavius Victorinus, winner of the mural crown, and her children, Titus Flavius Victorianus and Flavia Victorina.[51] Spedius Maternianus, dedicated a tomb at Tarraco in Hispania Citerior for his wife, Veneris Latinilla.[52] Spedia Maximina, dedicated a tomb at Lacum Mephiticum to her patron, Gaius Spedius Felix.[41] Quintus Spedius Mercator, dedicated a tomb at Altinum for Gaius Turellius Rufus, a native of Sardinia, aged forty-five years and twenty-five days.[i][53] Lucius Spedius L. L. l. Mithridas, a freedman buried at Rome.[54] Lucius Spedius Ɔ. l. Musicus, a freeman, dedicated a tomb at Rome for his wife, the freedwoman Vedia Litens, dating from the second century, or the latter half of the first.[55] Spedia Nice, buried at Luceria in Apulia, aged thirty years, six months, and twenty days, in a second-century tomb dedicated by her husband, Marcus Titius Primitivus.[56] Spedia Optata, along with Spedia Felicia, dedicated a second-century tomb at Antinum to Publius Spedius, the quattuorvir.[15] Lucius Spedius L. l. Pamphilus, a freedman buried in a tomb at Casilinum, dating from the late first century BC, or early first century AD, built by Spedia Laudica for herself and her son.[47] Spedia Pannycis, buried at Ravenna, with a tomb dedicated by her husband, Publius Cassius Verus.[57] Spedius Paulinus, buried at Narona, aged nine, with a monument from his mother, Spedia Marcelina, dating to the third century, or the latter half of the second.[49] Gaius Spedius Pidinus, a soldier who dedicated a second- or third-century monument at Misenum in Campania for Justitia, aged thirty-three.[58] Spedia Prisca, a freedwoman who dedicated a tomb at Ravenna to her stepson of eleven years, whose name has not been preserved.[59] Spedia Prisca, along with her sons, Aelius Stasimus and Aelius Primianus, dedicated a tomb at Rome, dating from the reign of Hadrian, for her husband of fourteen years, Publius Aelius Primus, a freedman of the emperor, aged forty-seven years, five months, and twenty-one days.[60] Spedia Priscilla, buried in a first-century tomb at Rome, dedicated by her husband, Valerianus, a freedman of the emperor.[61] Spedia Procula, dedicated a sepulchre at Narona, dating to the third century, or the latter half of the second, for her husband, Valerius Taurus, and daughter, Valeria Pia, aged twelve.[20] Lucius Spedius Quadratus, made an offering to Sol at Rome.[62] Spedia T. f. Quarta, named in an inscription from Atria.[63] Lucius Spedius Rhodinus, named in a first-century inscription from Interpromium in Samnium.[64] Lucius Spedius Romulus, buried at Rome, aged twenty-one, along with his daughter, Spedia Marcia, in a second-century tomb dedicated by his wife, Flavia Marcia.[50] Spedia L. l. Salvia, a freedwoman buried at Rome, along with Lucius Spedius Salvius.[65][54] Lucius Spedius L. l. Salvius, a freedman buried at Rome, along with Spedia Salvia.[65][54] Spedia L. f. Secunda, buried at Atria.[66] Spedia L. l. Secunda, a freedwoman named in an inscription from Atria.[67] Spedius Secundus, named in an inscription from Rome.[68] Lucius Spedius Secundus, buried at Ameria in Umbria, in a tomb dedicated by Orbia Secunda.[69] Spedius Severianus, dedicated a third-century tomb at Aeclanum to his wife, Auguria.[70] Lucius Spedius L. f. Severus, a native of Florentia in Etruria, and a soldier in the seventh cohort of the Praetorian Guard, serving in the century of Maximinus, was buried at Rome between AD 130 and 170, in a tomb dedicated by Gaius Vibius Super, a member of the same maniple.[71] Publius Spedius Successus, buried at Rome, along with his daughter, Spedia Fortunata, in a tomb dedicated by his wife, Artemas.[44] Spedia Tyche, buried at Puteoli in campania, in a tomb dedicated by Gaius Julius, dating between AD 70 and 150.[72] Gaius Spedius Valerianus, decurion of the collegium fabrum at Apulum in Dacia, during the second century, made an offering to Sol Invictus and Mithras at Sarmizegethusa.[73] Gaius Spedius Victor, named in a third-century inscription from Sarmizegethusa.[74] Notes  The inscription actually says "months", rather than days, followed by an extraneous 'A'. Presumably the engraver was distracted, and either skipped the number of months, or wrote "months" instead of "days". See also List of Roman gentes References  IPOstie, A, 164.  CIL IX, 6625.  CIL XI, 6855.  CIL X, 5154.  CIL IX, 1969.  CIL VI, 38926.  CIL V, 08114,125.  CIL X, 7596.  AE 1929, 185.  CIL VI, 1678.  CIL IX, 2618.  AE 1965, 113.  CIL V, 1382.  CIL X, 1171.  EE, 8-1, 170.  CIL III, 1880.  CIL IX, 3876.  CIL XI, 1107a.  CIL X, 1121.  CIL III, 8446.  CIL VI, 975.  CIL IV, 10592.  CIL IX, 1968.  CIL X, 446.  Inscriptiones Italiae, 3-1, 12.  Inscriptiones Italiae, 3-1, 217.  AE 1985, 398.  ILAdria, 29.  CIL VI, 7459.  IGLS, 17-1, 536.  CIL X, 1172.  CIL III, 1498.  AE 1968, 513.  CIL VI, 7165.  CIL III, 6627.  CIL IX, 1310.  CIL VI, 26664.  CIL XIV, 1451.  CIL VI, 11553.  CIL IX, 1039.  CIL IX, 1034.  CIL VI, 26665.  CIL X, 1064.  CIL VI, 26669.  Rizakis, La cité de Patras, 197.  CIL III, 1417a.  CIL X, 4350.  AE 1984, 100.  CIL III, 1765a.  CIL VI, 26667.  CIL III, 1664.  CIL II, 4415.  CIL V, 8819.  CIL VI, 26668.  CIL VI, 26666.  AE 1983, 226.  CIL XI, 222.  CIL X, 3632.  CIL XI, 117.  AE 1993, 313.  CIL VI, 26670.  CIL VI, 705.  ILAdria, 30.  CIL IX, 3065.  CIL VI, 25817.  AE 1993, 764.  CIL V, 2364.  CIL VI, 6767.  CIL XI, 4525.  Supplementa Italica, 29-Ae, 42.  AE 2004, 318.  Tyche, 1989-159.  CIL III, 7767, CIL III, 7933.  AE 2014, 51. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Supplementa Italica (Supplement for Italy), Unione Accademica Nazionale. Wilhelm Henzen, Ephemeris Epigraphica: Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementum (Journal of Inscriptions: Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, abbreviated EE), Institute of Roman Archaeology, Rome (1872–1913). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). Inscriptions Grecques et Latines de la Syrie (Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Syria, abbreviated IGLS), Paris (1929–present). Inscriptiones Italiae (Inscriptions from Italy), Rome (1931–present). Hilding Thylander, Inscriptions du port d'Ostie (Inscriptions from the Port of Ostia, abbreviated IPOstie), Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae, Lund (1952). Bruna Forlati Tamaro, "Inscrizioni Inedite di Adria" (Unedited Inscriptions from Adria, abbreviated "IIAdria"), in Epigraphica, vol. 18, pp. 50–76 (1956). Tyche, Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte, Papyrologie und Epigraphik (Contributions to Ancient History, Papyrology, and Epigraphy), University of Vienna (1986–present). Athenasios D. Rizakis, Achaïe II. La cité de Patras: Épigraphie et histoire (Achaia II. The City of Patras: Epigraphy and History), Athens (1998). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spedio – Ossia: Grice e Spedio -- GREX GRICEIANA – verbalia: SPEDIO For the vast gens Spedia, my first-best choice is not one of the municipal magistrates, but Gaius Spedius Clemens, the duumvir of Sarmizegetusa in Dacia, who dedicated a tomb for his wife, Cornelia Faustina. The article explicitly identifies him as a duumvir of the colony. [GREXv3 | Word] Why him? Because Clemens ("mild", "merciful", "lenient") is one of those Roman cognomina that immediately invites a Gricean question:  Does the name describe the man, or prescribe him?  Grice e Spedio Clemente: Nomen est Omen? CLEMENS. Clemens vocor. (I am called Clemens.) INTERROGATOR. Ergo clemens es? (Then you are merciful?) CLEMENS. Nomen habeo. (I have a name.) INTERROGATOR. Sed nomen quid significat? (But what does the name signify?) CLEMENS. Aliquando rem, aliquando spem. (Sometimes a fact, sometimes a hope.) GRICE. Nomen potest implicare virtutem, non probare eam. (A name may imply a virtue, but does not prove it.)     A cognomen generates expectations.   What I like here is that Roman names are full of what Grice would call defeasible inferences. If I hear:  Felix Fortunatus Clemens Prudens Severus  I immediately form expectations. But those expectations are cancellable. The semantics of the name do not entail the character. They merely invite an interpretation. Not many Romans walk around with a cognomen that raises questions about the relation between language and reality quite as neatly as Clemens. Dry Speranzian formula  The Sinnii preserve proverbs; the Sosii preserve books; the Spedii preserve names. Gaius Spedius Clemens was called "Clemens". Grice would observe that a cognomen is a standing implicature: it invites us to ascribe a quality, while leaving open whether the bearer possesses it. Roman onomastics is pragmatics written into a census. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spedio – Ossia: Grice e Spedio -- GREX GRICEIANA – verbalia: SPEDIO A close second candidate would be Lucius Spedius Amandus, one of the magistrates of the Vicus Salutaris at Rome in AD 136. [GREXv3 | Word] That would permit a vignette about civic offices and performative utterances: MAGISTRATUS. Creo te. (I appoint you.) and the appointment itself alters social reality. But the evidence is thinner.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spedio – Ossia: Grice e Spedio -- GREX GRICEIANA – verbalia: SPEDIO A third, very Speranzian choice, is actually Spedia Euplia, who erected a monument for the slave-child Parthenope, aged one year, eleven months, and twenty-five days. [GREXv3 | Word] There the communicative act is the epitaph itself:  a life too short for speech is preserved by someone else's speech.  That is moving, but less characteristically Gricean.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spedio – Ossia: Grice e Spedio -- GREX GRICEIANA – verbalia: SPEDIO Why not the Pompeian duumvir? Quintus Spedius Firmus, duumvir at Pompeii, is historically attractive. [GREXv3 | Word] But many municipalities had duumviri.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spellio – Ossia: Grice e Spellio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: Spellio The gens Spellia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens appear in history, but several are known from inscriptions. The only Spellius known to have held any magistracy was Publius Spellius Spellianus Sabinus, quaestor in AD 57.[1]  Origin The nomen Spellius appears to belong to a large class of gentilicia derived from surnames ending in diminutive suffixes such as -ulus, -ellus, or -illus, or in some cases directly from surnames with similar stems, without diminutive suffixes.[2] Most of the Spellii found in epigraphy lived at Rome, but an early example from Campania shows that they used the Oscan praenomen Ovius, suggesting that their ancestors might have been Sabines or Samnites.  Praenomina Most of the Spellii known from inscriptions bore common Latin praenomina, such as Quintus, Publius, and Gaius. From a filiation, we know that the early Spellii also used the Oscan praenomen Ovius.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Spellia Ovi f., the wife of Lucius Maccius, and mother of Publius Maccius, who built a tomb at Pompeii in Campania, dating from the latter half of the first century BC, for his parents and his wife, Epidia, along with their heirs, Publius Maccius Velasianus and Publius Maccius Mamianus Fubzanus.[3] Quintus Spellius Hermia, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, dating to the first half of the first century.[4] Quintus Spellius Q. l. Salvius, a freedman named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, dating to the first half of the first century.[5] Quintus Spellius Q. f. Antiochus, a freedman who dedicated a first-century tomb at Rome for his wife, Spellia Rufila, aged twenty.[6] Spellia Q. l. Rufila, a freedwoman buried at Rome, in a first-century tomb dedicated by her husband, Quintus Spellius Antiochus.[6] Publius Spellius P. f. Spellianus Sabinus, quaestor in AD 57.[1] Gaius Spellius Fudidianus, dedicated a second-century tomb at Reate in Samnium for his wife, Seria Expectata.[7] Spellius Quadratus, one of the priests of Apollo at Philippi in Macedonia during the second century.[8] Spellia Arescusa, dedicated a sepulchre at Rome for herself and her son, whose name has not been preserved.[9] Publius Spellius Secundus, along with his brother-in-law, Marcus Ulpius Maximus, dedicated a tomb at Rome for his wife, Ulpia Petillia.[10] See also List of Roman gentes References  CIL X, 5204.  Chase, pp. 122–124.  NSA, 1898, 422.  CIL VI, 26672.  CIL VI, 26673.  CIL VI, 26671.  CIL IX, 4737.  AE 2000, 1326.  Opuscula Romana, 1961, 180,2.  CIL VI, 29381. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità (News of Excavations from Antiquity, abbreviated NSA), Accademia dei Lincei (1876–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Opuscula Romana, Editorial Committee of the Swedish Institute in Rome (1954–2007). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spellio – Ossia: Grice e Spellio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: Spellio For the Spellii, I think the most Speranzian choice is Publius Spellius Spellianus Sabinus, the quaestor of AD 57. The reason is not the office itself, but the name. Among this tiny gens, he is almost uniquely interesting because he carries:  Publius Spellius Spellianus Sabinus  where Spellianus is itself formed from Spellius. The name has become reflexive, almost self-referential. The gens entry identifies him as quaestor in AD 57. [GREXv3 | Word] A Gricean immediately becomes interested in:  How much information is conveyed merely by the form of a name?  Grice e Spellio Spelliano: De Nomine Reflexivo SPELLIANVS. Spellianus vocor. (I am called Spellianus.) INTERROGATOR. Quid significat? (What does that signify?) SPELLIANVS. Me ex Spelliis esse. (That I belong to the Spellii.) INTERROGATOR. Ergo nomen de nomine factum est? (So a name has been made from a name?) SPELLIANVS. Ita videtur. (So it seems.) GRICE. Nomen non tantum designat; etiam indicat. (A name does not merely designate; it also indicates.) +> Names can carry information beyond reference.  What attracts me is that Roman nomenclature often works by what we might call compressed biography. A Roman reader seeing:  Spellianus  would naturally infer some connection with the Spellii. The name functions almost like a standing conversational hint. Not unlike:  Hadrianus Traianus Aurelianus  where the form itself suggests a relation. Dry Speranzian formula  The Sinnii preserve words, the Sosii publish them, and the Spellii hide information inside names. Publius Spellius Spellianus Sabinus bears a cognomen derived from his own nomen. Grice would note that the name does more than identify its bearer; it quietly tells a story about where he belongs. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spellio – Ossia: Grice e Spellio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: Spellio A close second candidate would be Spellius Quadratus, priest of Apollo at Philippi. [GREXv3 | Word] That would permit a vignette about oracles and interpretation: APOLLO. Dico. (I speak.) AUDITOR. Quid significas? (What do you mean?) which is always fertile Gricean territory. But we know very little about him.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spellio – Ossia: Grice e Spellio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: Spellio There is also a charming epigraphic candidate: Spellia Rufila, who died at twenty and whose tomb was dedicated by her husband Quintus Spellius Antiochus. [GREXv3 | Word] The inscription itself becomes a speech act performed after death:  the deceased cannot speak; the monument speaks for her.  But that theme recurs in many gentes.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Speranza – Ossia: Grice e Speranza – implicatura ed implicatura -- filosofia italiana -- pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice,  (Albalonga). Filosofo. J. L. Speranza – implicatura ed implicatura -- filosofia italiana – pel Gruppo di Gioco di Grice,  (Albalonga). Filosofo. Speranza, Ugo -- Speranza, Alessandro -- Speranza, Ettore -- Speranza, Gianni -- Speranza, Paola -- Speranza, Anna-Maria -- Speranza-Ghersi –Ghersi-Speranza, Anna-Maria -- Speranza lui speranza: luigi della --. Italian philosopher, attracted, for some reason, to Grice. Speranza knows St. John’s very well. He is the author of “Dorothea Oxoniensis.” He is a member of a number of cultivated Anglo-Italian societies, like Grice’s Playgroup. He is the custodian of Villa Grice, not far from . He works at . Cuisine is one of his hobbiesgrisottoa alla ligure, his specialty. He can be reached via Grice. Grice, “Vita ed opinion di ,” par . A. M. Ghersi Speranza -- vide Ghersi-Speranza. Ghersi is a collaborator of Speranza. Grice: “It’s easy enough to list Speranza’s publications.” Speranza, like Mill, was fortunate to belong to a literary familyand he would read Descartes’s Meditations, which drew him to philosophy. His studies in logic drew him to semanticsHis first love was Oxonian analysis as summarised in Hartnack’s essay on ‘contemporary’ philosophy. One of Speranza’s earliest essays is on Plato’s Cratylus, relying mainly on Cassierer, but also drawing from Austin’s Philosophical Papesr. Spearnza’s idea is that “ … mean …” is a dyadic relation and what’s behind Plato’s theory of forms. This was Speranza’s contribution to a seminar in ancient philosophy. For his contribution on medieaval philosophy, Speranza drew on the modistae, and the Patrologia Latina for the use of ‘intentio’ in various writers, up to AquinoSperanza finds it fascinating that the earliest modistae do find a conceptual link between the ‘intentio’ and the ‘significatio.’ For a seminar on scepticism, Speranza contributed with a paper on Gricedrawing on Sextus Empiricus and Bar-Hillel. It relates to Grice’s problem with the conversational category of fortitude. Speranza has studied the connections between H. P. Grice and some Italian philosophers. To wit: Abbà, Abbagnano, Abbri, Abrotele, Accetto, Acilio, Achillini, Acito, Acmonida, Aconzio, Acri, Acusilada, Adami, Addiego, Adelfio, Afer, Agazzi, Agazzi, Agela, Agesarco, Agesidamo, Agilo, Agostino, Agresta, Agrippa, Agrippa, Agrippino, Aigone, Airaudi, Ajello, Albani, Alberti, Alberti, Albertini, Albino, Albino, Albino, Alboini, Albucio, Albucio, Alcia, Alciati, Alcimaco, Alcio, Alcio, Alcmeone, Alderotti, Alessandro, Appio, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro,  Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alessandro, Alfandari, Alfieri Alfonso, Algarotti: Alici Alighieri, Aliotta, Allegretti, Allievo, Allioni, Alminusa, Alopeco, Altan, Alvarotti, Amaduzzi, Amafinio, Ambrogio, Ambrosoli, Ameinia, Amelio, Ammicarto, Amico, Amidei, Anassilao, Anceschi, Andrea, Andria, Angeli, Angiulli, Anici, Anioco, Annunzio, Antemio, Antimedon, Antimede, Antimene, Antipater, Antiseri, Antoni, Antonini, Antonino, Antonio, Aosta, Apella, Agrippa, Apella Apella. Apelle, Apelle, Apollonide, Apollonio, Apollofane, Apuleio, Aquila, Aquilino, Aquilino, Aquilino, Aquilino, Aquino, Aquino, Aquino, Aquino, Arangio, Arato, Arcais, Arcea, Archemaco, Archibugi, Archippo Archippo Archippo Archippo, Arco, Ardigò, Arena, Aresandro,  Aresandro, Aresa, Argentieri, Ario, Arione, Aristea, Aristeneto, Aristeteneto, Aristeneto, Aristeo, Aristide, Aristippo, Aristo, Aristu, Aristo, Aristocleida, Aristocleida, Aristocleida, Aristocle, Aristocrate, Aristodoro, Aristodoro, Aristomene,Aristone, Aristosseno, Arnoufi, Arriano, Arrighetti, Artemidoro, Aruleno, Asclepiade, Ascoli, Assarotti, Assiopisto, Astea, Astilo, Astone, Astore, Astorini, Ateinaiano, Ateinaiano, Atenodoro, Atenodoto, Attalo, Aulo, Aulo, Aulo, Aurano, Aurelj, Aurelio, Ausonio, Avieno, Azeglio, Bacchin, Bacchio, Bacci, Badaloni, Baglietto, Balbillo, Balbo, Baldini, Balduino, Banfi, Baratono, Barba, Barbaro, Barbaro, Barbaro Barié, Baricelli, Baroncelli, Barone, Barsio Bartoli, Barzaghi, Barzellotti, Barzizza, Basilide, Basilide, Basilide, Basilio, Basso, Basso. Batace, Battaglia, Bausola, Bazzanella, Beccaria, Becchi, Bedeschi, Bellavitis, Belleo, Bedoni, Belloni, Bellezza, Bencivenga, Bene, Bene, Bene, Bene, Benincasa, Benvenuti, Benvenuto, Berardi, Bernardi, Bernardi, Bernardo, Berneri, Berti, Bertinaria, Berto, Betti, Bianco, Blossio, Bobbio, Boccadiferro, Boccanegra, Bocchi Bodei, Boella, Bolelli, Bonaiuti, Bonatelli, Bonaventura, Bonavino, Bondonio, Boniolo, Bonomi, Bontadini, Bontempelli, Bonvecchio, Bordoni Borelli, Borsa, Boscovich, Botero, Botta, Bottiroli, Bottonim Boulagora, Bouto, Buto, Bovio, Bozzelli Bozzetti, Bozzi Bracciolini, Bracciolini, Bracciolini, Braibanti, Branciforte, Brandalise Breccia, Brescia, Bressani, Bria, Brotino, Bruni, Bruzi, Bubbio, Buonafede Buonaiuti, Buonamici, Buonamici, Buondelmonti Buonsanti, Buonsanto,  Burtiglione, Buscarini, Cabeo, Cacciari, Cacciatore, Caffarelli, Cainia, Cairo, Calabresi, Calais, Calboli, Calcidio, Calderoni, Callescro, Callia, Callicratida, Callifonte, Calò, Calogero, Caloprese, Caluso, Camilla, Camillo, Campa, Campa, Campailla, Campanella, Canio, Cantoni, Capella, Capitini, Capizzi, Capocasale, Capocci, Capodilista, Capograssi, Caporali, Cappelletti, Capua, Carabellese, Caracciolo, Caramella, Caramello, Carando, Carapelle, Carbonara, Carbone, Carboni, Cattaneo, Carace, Carace, Carace, Caravaggi, Carchia, Cardano, Caritone, Cardano, Cardia, Cardone, Carifi, Carle, Carli, Carlini, Carmando, Caro, Caro, Carpani, Carpino, Carrara Carravetta Carulli Casanova Casati Casini, Casotti, Cassio Cassiodoro, Cassiodoro, Castelli, Castiglione Castrucci, Catena, Catone, Catone Cattaneo, Cattaneo Catucci, Catulo, Catulo, Cavalcanti, Cavalcanti, Cavallo, Cavazzoni, Cavour, Cazio, Cazzaniga, Cazzulani, Ceccato, Cecina, Cei, Ceila, Celestio, Celio, Cellucci, Celso, Cefalo, Centi, Centofanti Cerambo, Cerano, Cerdo, Cerdo, Cerdo, Cerebotani, Ceretti, Ceremonte, Ceretti, Ceronetti, Cerroni, Certani, Ceruti, Cerutti, Cesa, Cesalpino Cesare, Cesare, Cesarini Cesarotti Cherchi, Cheremone Chiappelli:  dell’academici – Cicerone Chiaromonte Chiaramonte. siquidem tuDc et soDum duaruffi litterarum Chiaramonti, Chiavacci, Chiocchetti, Chiodi, Chitti, Ciarlantini, Cicerone, Ciliberto, Cilone, Cimatti, Cincio, Cinna, Cione, Citrone, Civitella, Clarano, Claudi, Claudiano, Claudio, Claudio, Claudio, Claudio, Claudio, Claudio, Claudio, Cleemporo, Cleomene, Cleomene, Cleomene, Cleonte, Cleonte, Cleonte, Cleofronte, Cleofronte, Cleofronte, Cleostene, Cleostene Cleostene, Clinagora, Clinagora, Clinagora, Clinia, Clitomaco, Clodio, Clodio Clodio, Clodio, Clodio, Clodio, Clodio, Clodio Cocconato Coco Codronchi:  del contratto, giocco d’assardo, contratto, gioco aleatorio, Ercole, Colagrosso, Colazza, Colecchi Colletti, Colizzi, Colli, Collini, Colombe, Colombo, Colonna, Colonnello, Colorni, Consoli, Conte, Contestabile, Conti, Conti, Conti, Conti, Contri, Corbellini, Cordeschi, Cornelio, Cornelio, Cornello Cornificio Cornuto Corrado, Corsano, Corsini, Cortese, Corvaglia, Corvino, Cosi, Cosmacini, Cosottini, Costa, Costa, Costantino, Costanzi, Courmayeur, Cotroneo, Cotta, Cotta, Crassicio, Crasso: Cratippo Cratippo, Cratippo, Credaro, Crescente, Cresi, Crespi, Crespo, Critolao, Croce, Cuoco, Curi, Cusani, Damocle, Damone, Damostrato, Demostrato, Damotage, Dalmasso, Dandolo, Daniele, Dati, Deciano, Deinarco, Deinocrate, Delfino, Deliminio, Delogu, Demaria, Demetrio, Democede, Demostene, Desideri, Diaccetom Diano, Dicante, Dicerco, Diconte, Dima, Dima, Dima, Diocle, Diocle, Diocle, Diocle, Diocle, Diocle, Diodoro, Diodoto, Diogene, Dione, Dionigi, Dionisio, Dionisodoro, Diofane, Dionneto, Dioscoro, Dioscuro, Disertori, Dodaro, Dolabella, Dommazio, Dogmatius, Dommatio. Dommazio, Donà, Donatelli, Donati, Dondi, Dorfles, Doria, Dosseno, Dottarelli, Drimonte, Duni, Duso, Eccelo, Eccecrate, Eco, Ecebolio, Efanto, Egea, Egnazio, Eirisco, Elandro, Elcasai, Eleucadio, Elicone, Elio, Elio, Elio, Elio, Elio, Eliodoro, Eliodoro, Elpidio, Elvidio, Emiliani, Emina, Emone, Empedo, Empedotimo, Endio, Ennea, Ennio, Enzo, Epicaride, Epicarmo, Epicoco, Epitetto, Eraclide, Eraclio, Era, Erato, Ercole, Ermino, Ermodoro, Erode, Eschine, Esimo, Estieo, Esposito, Eudemo, Eudico, Eudosso, Eulogio, Eumenio, Eufemo, Eurimedone, Eurifamo, Eurifemo, Eurito, Eusebio, Eusebio, Eustatio, Eutino, Eutosione, Eutropio, Eutropio, Eutropio, Evagrio, Evandro, Evanore, Evanore, Evanore, Evareto, Evete, Evete, Evola, Fabiani, Fabiano, Fabio, Fabri, Fabrini, Fabro, Facciolati, Faccioli, Fadio, Faggin, Falcone, Fannio, Fano, Fariano, Fassò, Fausto, Favonio, Favorino, Fazzini, Feliceto, Ferdinando, Fergnani, Ferrabino, Ferrando, Ferranti, Ferrari, Ferrari, Ferrari, Ferraris, Ferraris, Ferrero, Ferrero, Ferretti, Ferri, Ferrucci, Fibbia, Ficiada, Ficino, Fidanza, Figliucci, Filangieri, Filippis, Filippo, Filisco, Filodamo, Filolao, Filone, Filonide, Fineschi, Fintia, Fioramonti, Fiore, Fiormonte, Fiorentino, Fioretti, Firmiano, Firmico, Firmo, Fitio, Flaviano Flavio, Flavio, Fonnesu Fontanini Fornero, Formaggio, Forti: Fortunaziano, Fortunio, Fracastoro, Francesco, ranchini: l’arguzia del nell’età degl’eroi, la gloria d’Enea. Franci, Francia, Franzini, Frinico, Frixione, Frontida, Frontino, Frontone, Frosini, Fundano, Fuoco, Furio, Fuschi, Fusco, Fusinieri, Gaetani, Gagliardi, Gaio, Galba, Galba, Galeno, Galetti, Galimberti, Galli, Galli, Gallio Galluppi Galvano Gamba Gangale Garbo Gargani, Garin, Garroni, Garrucci, Gartida, Gatti, Gatti, Gaudenzio, Gaudenzio, Gauro, Gedalio, Gelli, Gellio, Gemmis, Gennadio, Genovese, Genovesi, Gentile, Gentile, Gentili, Geymonat, Ghersi, Ghezzi, Ghiron, Ghisleri, Giacchè, Giardini, Giamboni, Giametta, Giandomenico, Giani, Giani, Giannantoni, Giannetti, Giannetta, Giannone, Giavelli, Gigli, Gioberti, Gioia, Giorello, Giorgi:, Giorgi, Giovanni, Giovenale, Giovio: la ragione conversazionale aantica   Giraldi Girgenti, Girotti, Gitio, Giudice, Giudice, Giuffrida Giulia, Giuliano, Giuliano, Giulio, Giulio, Giulio, Giulio, Giunco Giunio, Giunio, Giuniore, Giussani, Giusso, Giusti, Giustino, Givone, Glauco, Glicino, Gobbo, Gobetti, Gonnella, Goretti Gorgiade, Gorgia, Gori, Gracco Grandi, Grassi Grataroli, Grazia, Grecino Gregorio, Gregory, Griffero, Grimaldi, Grimaldi, Grimaldi, Gronda, Gruppi, Guarini, Guicciardini Guzzi, Guzzi, Guzzo, Herpitt, Iacono, Iccio, Icco, Iceta, Ierace, Ieroteo, Illuminati, Imbriani, Imerio, Incardona, Infantino, Introvigne, Iorio, Ipparchide, Ipparco, Ippaso, Ippaso, Ippaso, Ippolito, Ippostene, Ippide, Irtione, Isidoro, Itaneo, Jaja, Jerocades, Jommelli, Juvalta, Labeone, Labriola, Lacida, Lacrate, Lacrito, Lafeonte, Lagalla, Lamisco, Lamanna, Lami, Lampria, Landi, Landini, Landino, Landucci Lalla, Lanzalone, Latini, Laurino, Lavagnini Lazzarelli Lazzari, Lazzarini, Leanace, Lecaldano, Lelio, Leocide, Leofronte, Leone Leonzio, Leonzio, Leonzio, Leoni, Leoni, Leopardi, Leopardi, Lia, Libanio, Liberale, Liberatore, Licenzio, Liceti, Licinio, Licone, Liguori Lilla, Limenanti, Limone, Lisi, Lisibio, Lisimaco, Livi, Livio, Lodovici, Lombardi, Longino, Longino, Longano:  Losano, Losurdo, Lottieri Luca Lucano Lucceio,  Luciano, Luciano, Lucilio, Lucilio, Lucio, Lucrezio, Lucullo, Luisetti, Luporini, Luzzago, Macedo, Machiavelli, Macrobio, Madera, Maffetone, Magalotti, Maggi, Magi, Magli, Magnani, Magni, Maierù, Mainardini, Majello, Malipiero, Mamiani,  Mancini, Manetti, Manetti, Mangione, Manfredi Manicone, Manilio Manlio, Manlio, Mannelli, Mantovani, Manzoni, Marafioti, Marano, Marassi, Marcello, Marcello, Marcello, Marcello, Marcello, Marcello, Marcello, Marcello, Marcello, Marchesini, Marchesini, Marchetti, Marchi, Marchi, Marci, Marziano, Marco, Marconi, Marconi, Mariano: Marin, Marliani, Marotta  Marramao Marsili, Marta, Martelli, Martellotta, Martinetti, Martini, Martino, Marzolo, Masci, Masi, Masila, Masnovo, Massarenti, Massari, Massimiano, Massimo, Mastri, Mastrofini, Masullo Matassi, Matera, Mathieu, Matraja, Maturi, Maturi, Maurizi, Mazio, Mazzarella, Mazzei Mazzini, Mazzoni, Mecenate, Medio, Medio, Medio, Medio, Medio, Megistia, Meis Melandri, Melanipide, Melchiorre Melesia, Melisso, Melli, Memmio, Menecrate, Menestore, Menone, Mercuriale, Meriggi, Merker, Messalla, Mesarco, Mesibolo, Messere, Messimeri,. Metello, Metopo, Metrodoro, Metrodoro, Metronace, Micalori, Miccoli, Miccolis, Mieli, Miglio Mignucci, Millia, Minicio, Minnomaco Minucio, Miraglia, Misefari, Mocenigo, Moderato, Modio, Moiso, Mondin, Monferrato, Monferrato, Montanari, Montanari:  Cf Mazzino Montanari. Massino Montanari, Montani, Montinari, Monte, Monterosso, Moramarco, Morandi, Moravia, Mordacci, Mordente, Morelli, Moretti, Mori, Morselli, Morselli Motta, Motterlini, Musonio, Musonio, Mussolini, Mussolini, Mustè, Muzio, Nannini, Nardi, Nasta: Nausito, Nearco, Negri, Negri, Neri, Nerone, Nesi, Nicolao, Nicoletti Nicoletti, Nifo, Nigidio, Ninone, Nisio: Nizolio Noce, Noferi, Nola, Novara, Novaro, Novato, Novelli, Numa, Occelo, Occilo: lOccelo Ocone, Oddi, Offredi, Olgiati, Olimpio Olivetti, Olivi, Onato, Onorato, Opillo, Opocher, Opsimo, Orabona, Orazio, Ordine Orestada Oribasio, Orioli, Ornato Oro, Orrontio, Orrontio, Orrontio, Ortensio Ortensio Ortalo Quinto, Ortes, Osimo Ostiliano, Otranto, Otranto Ottaviano:  sotto il principato d’Ottaviano, Ovidio, Ovidio, Paccio, Pace, Pacetti: Paci, Pacioli, Padovani, Paganini, Pagano, Pagnini, Palazzani, Palladio, Pandullo, Panebianco, Panella, Panfilo, Panicarola, Panigarola, Pannico, Pansa, Panunzio, Panunzio, Panzini, Paolino, Papi, Papineau, Papirio, Papirio Peto Parente, Pareyson, Parinetto, Parisio, Parmisco, Parrini, Pascoli, Pascoli, Pasini, Passavanti, Passavanti, Passeri, Passini, Pasqualini, Pasqualini, Pasqualini, Pasqualotto, Pastore Patrizi, Pattio Pazzio Paulino, Pavia,  Peano, Pecoraro, Pecori, Peisicrate, Pisicrate, since he finds that dipthongs are un-Roman Peisicrate, Peisirrodo, Pesirrodo, Pelacani, Pelagio, Pellegrini, Pempelo, Pempelo. Penco, Pera, Perconti, Peregalli, Perniola, Perone, Persio, Persio, Persio,  Pessina, Pessina, Petrarca, Petrella, Petrone, Pezzarossa, Pezzella, Piana, Piccolomini, Piccolomini, Pico, Pico, Pieralisi, Pieri, Pievani, Pigliucci Pini, Piovani, Piralliano, Pirro, Pirrone, Pisone, Pisone Pitea, Pitea, Pitea, Pitodoro, Pizzi, Pizzorno, Plantadossi, Plauto, Plebe Poggi, Polemarco, Polemarco, Polemarco, Poli, Politeo, Pollastri, Pollini, Pollio, Pollio, Pollio, Polluce, Polo, Pompedio Pompeo, Pompeo, Pomponazzi, Pomponazzi, Pomponio, Pomponio, Pomponio, Pomponio, Pontara, Ponte, Ponzio, Porta Porta, Porta Porta, Portalupi, Portalupi.Portalupi Portaria, Porzio, Possenti, Pozza Pozzo, Pra Prepone Prepostino Prepostino, Pretestato, Pretestato, Preti, Preve, Prini, Priore, Priore, Prisciano, Priscilliano, Priscilliano, Probo, Procle Prodi, Prospero, Prosseno, Prudenzio, Pubblicio, Pucci, Puccinotti, Pudenziano, Prudenziano Punzo Purgotti Quarta, Quattromani Quintili Quinto, Rabirio, Ragghianti, Raimondi, Raio, Ramorino, Ranzoli, Ranzoli, Ravelli, Re, Reale, Reghini, Regina, Renda, Renier:  Rensi, Renzi Ressibio, Resta, Richeri, Ricordi Righetti, ignano Rigobello, Rimini, Rinaldi, Rinaldini, Rindaco, Riondato, Ripa, Riverso Roccoto, Rodano, Rodippo Rogatiano, Rogo, Romagnosi, Romanoto Roncaglia, Ronchi, Rosa, Rosandro, Rosatti, Rosselli, Rosselli Rosselli Rosselli Rossetti Rossi: la ragione conversazionale Rossi, Rossi, Rota, Rotondim Rovatti, Rovere Rovere, Rovere, Rubellio, Ruberti Rucellai, Ruffolo, Rufino, Rufo, Ruggiero, Rusca, Rusconi, Rustico, Ruta, Rutilio, Sabbadini, Sabellio Sabinillio, Saccheri, Sacchi, Saliceto Sallustio, Salustio, Salutati, Salutio Salviano, Salvemini, Sancasciani, Sanctis, Sanseverino, Santilli, Santucci, Santucci, Santucci, Sanzo, Sarlo, Sarno, Sarpi, Sasso, Saturnino, Saufeio, Scalea, Scalfari, Scaramelli, Scarano, Scaravelli, Scarpelli, Soleri Scevola, Scevola, Scevola, Scipione, Sclavione, Scupoli, Sebasmio, Secondo, Secondo Sellio, Sellio, Semerari, Semmola Semprini Serbati, Sereniano Sereno, Serra, Serra, Sertorio Servio Sesti, Sestio, Sesto, Settala: Severino, Severo, Severo, Sforza, Siciliani, Sidonio, Sighele Signa Silio, Silla: la regione conversazionale della ta meta ta physika Silla, Simbolo, Simioni, Simmaco, Simoneschi, Simoni, Sini Sirenio, Sirenio, Siro Solari Soldati, Soleri, Solonghello Somenzi, Sordi Soria Sorrentino Sortis: la Sozzini, Sozzini Spaventa, Speranza, Spintaro, Spirito, Spisani: la ragione conversazionale della Spurio, Stasea Statilio Stefani Stefanini Stefanoni Stella Stellini Sterlich Stertinio Stilione Stilone Stucchi Svetonio, Tagliabue, Taglialatela, Tarantino, Tari, Tartarotti, Tataranni, Telesio, Teodoro, Terzi, Tessitore, Testa, Thaulero, Tiberiano, Tiberio, Tilgher, Timpanaro, Toderini, Tocco, Tolomei, Tomai, Tomitano, Toritto, Torlonia, Torre, Trabalza, Tragella, Trappani, Trapassi, Trapè, Trebazio, Trebiano, Tria, Trincheri, Troilo, Tronti, Tulelli, Turco, Turoldo, Ubaldi, Ubaldi, Unicorno, Vacca, Vailati, Valdarnini, Valenti, Valentino, Valeri, Valeriis, Valerio, Valerio, Valerio, Vallauri, Valle, Valletta, Vanghetti, Vanini, Vanni, Vannucchi, Vannucci, Varino, Vario, Varisco, Varrone, Vasa, Vasoli, Vatinio, Vattimo, Veca, Vegetti, Velleio, Venanzio, Venini, Venturi, Venturini, Vera, Vernia, Veronelli, Veronesi, Verrecchia, Vettori, Vettori, Viano, Viazzi, Vicini, Vico, Vieri, Vigellio, Vigna, Vignoli, Vinadio, Vio, Virgilio, Vitale, Vitiello, Vittore,  Viveros, Volpe, Volpicelli, Volta, Winspeare, Zabarella, Zaccaro, Zamboni, Zamboni, Zimara, Zimara, Zini, Zolla, Zoppi, Zoppio, Zoppio, Zorzi, Zubiena, Zuccante, Zuccolo. Was there a Roman gens starting with Spe? Yes, though not one of the very loud marquee gentes. The clearest candidate is the gens Speria, from names such as Sperius. That gives you an exact Spe opening in the gentile field. It is not among the great textbook Roman houses, but it is the sort of nomen one does find in Roman onomastics. One should be careful, however, not to overinflate the evidence. A nomen beginning with Spe does not necessarily mean a grand, politically famous gens in the way one speaks of the Cornelii or Claudii. It may be a lesser-known family, more visible in inscriptions and prosopography than in the school historians. If your question is simply whether Roman gentilicia beginning with Spe existed, then yes, Speria is the safest answer I would give. If your question is whether there was a famous major gens starting with Spe, the answer is much less confidently yes. Nothing of the first rank leaps out in the canonical republican roll-call. And there is one small philological caution. Some names that begin with Spe may be personal names, cognomina, or later formations rather than the clean old nomen gentilicium one wants for a gens. So one has to distinguish carefully between “a Roman name beginning with Spe” and “a securely attested gens of major standing beginning with Spe.” So the compressed answer is this. Yes: gens Speria is the likeliest Roman gens-name beginning with Spe. But it is not one of the famous great houses, and the Spe shelf is comparatively thin. If you like, I can now stay in chat and do one of two things. I can give you a small list of Roman gentilicia beginning with Sp- and separate the secure gentes from the shakier cases. Or I can focus specifically on Sperius, Speria, Spurius, and related names, to sort out what is praenomen, what is nomen, and what only looks gentile. And do we have a member of that gens, as per Gaius Sperius Rufus, or something? I would be cautious here. I do not have good evidence before me for a securely attested Roman Gaius Sperius Rufus or even a clearly established Sperius Rufus as a standard, well-known historical person. The searches do not yield a solid prosopographical hit of that exact form. [attalus.org] So the dry answer is: perhaps such a name could occur epigraphically, but I would not presently assert it as a known member of a gens Speria without better inscriptional proof. In Roman onomastics, a form like Sperius could certainly look plausible as a nomen or praenomen-like element, and Rufus is of course a very common cognomen, but plausibility is not attestation. [attalus.org], [edh-www.ad...delberg.de] In other words, “Gaius Sperius Rufus” sounds Roman enough, but I cannot honestly tell you that I have a reliable historical bearer of the name in hand. The evidence I have here is too thin, and on these matters one should not promote a merely possible Roman into an actual one. [edh-www.ad...delberg.de], [arachne.dainst.org] So the careful formula is this: yes, a gens-name beginning with Spe is not impossible; no, I do not at present have a securely attested member like Gaius Sperius Rufus ready to give you with confidence. [attalus.org] If you like, I can now do one of two things in chat only. I can try a narrower epigraphic pass specifically on inscription databases for Sperius and Speria. Or I can give you the safer general note on how names like Sperius, Spurius, and similar Sp- forms behave in Roman naming without pretending to a false certainty. Yes, please do that, try a narrower epigraphic pass for Sperius, thanks Yes. A narrower epigraphic pass suggests that I should revise the earlier answer. What turns up more clearly is not a gens Speria, but a real attested minor gens Spuria. In other words, the Sp- shelf is firmer under Spurius as nomen than under Sperius as nomen. The Spuria gens is explicitly recognised as a minor plebeian family at Rome, with many members known from inscriptions and a few from literary sources. [en.wikipedia.org] That matters for your Sperius question, because in the narrower epigraphic results I still do not get a clean attested Roman nomen Sperius or a solid gens Speria. What I do get are many forms built on Sper- as cognomina or derivative cognomina, such as Speratus, Speratianus, and Speratinus, but those do not establish a nomen Sperius. [edh.ub.uni...delberg.de], [edh.ub.uni...delberg.de] So the dry correction is this. The attested Roman family beginning with Sp- that the evidence actually supports well is the gens Spuria, not a confidently established gens Speria. And that, of course, is mildly comic, since earlier we were worrying that Spurius might sound too dubious to modern ears, whereas epigraphy calmly gives us a whole Spuria gens. [en.wikipedia.org] If you want members, the Spuria gens has a real roster in inscriptional memory: Lucius Spurius Maximus, a tribune of the Vigiles; Gnaeus Spurius Ov. f. at Puteoli; Marcus Spurius Cn. f. Ov. n.; Numerius Spurius D. f. at Capua; and several freedmen and other inscriptional figures. [en.wikipedia.org] So after the narrower pass, my best answer is: no secure epigraphic footing yet for a gens Speria or a member like “Gaius Sperius Rufus”; yes, strong footing for a minor gens Spuria, with multiple attested members. [en.wikipedia.org] If you like, I can now do one of two things in chat only. I can give you a compact prosopographical note on the gens Spuria, with the best-attested members and why it stayed minor.  Or I can sort out the whole Sp- cluster for you — Spurius as praenomen, Spurius as nomen, and Sper- forms like Speratus as cognomina — so that the shelf stops wobbling. [en.wikipedia.org] [en.wikipedia.org], [edh.ub.uni...delberg.de]Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘Grice e Speranza.’ Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice.

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spi

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spirito – Ossia: Grice e Spirito: la filosofia dello spirito – filosofia fascista – ventennio fascista – i corpi – corpo e corporazione. Note su L’idealismo e il problema della conoscenza. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice. Ugo Spirito (Arezzo, Toscana): la filosofia dello spirito – filosofia fascista – ventennio fascista – i corpi – corpo e corporazione. Grice and Spirito approach “reason‑governed” meaning from almost opposite philosophical directions. For Grice, conversational meaning is rationally structured at the micro‑level of dialogue: speakers and hearers are guided by shared norms of practical reason, crystallized in the cooperative principle and its maxims, which allow interlocutors to infer speaker meaning beyond what is literally said in a rule‑governed yet flexible way. Rationality here is procedural and inferential: conversational sense emerges from the participants’ mutual recognition of intentions and reasons for speaking as they do, without requiring any metaphysical or political foundation for language use. In Spirito, by contrast, reason is not primarily a conversational mechanism but an existential and historical task. His problematicismo treats meaning as inseparable from the lived situation of agents embedded in the ethical, institutional, and ultimately political totality of the State. Where Grice explains communicative order through minimally normative, context‑sensitive principles that regulate cooperation among autonomous speakers, Spirito subordinates meaning to the search for incontrovertible values capable of overcoming skepticism and reshaping collective life, a search that in the fascist period is explicitly articulated through the organic unity of body, corporazione, and Stato. From a Gricean perspective, Spirito’s emphasis on corporative and state‑centered rationality risks collapsing conversational reason into an external moral–political order; from a Spiritian perspective, Grice’s reason‑governed implicatures might appear thin and formal, regulating exchanges among speakers while leaving untouched the deeper problem of how meaning ought to be grounded in a substantive vision of communal life and authority. Allievo di Gentile, teorico di una filosofia nota come problematicismo e del corporativismo fascista, S. è stato uno dei più importanti filosofi italiani. Dagli anni giovanili fino al termine del suo lungo percorso intellettuale, S. ha espresso una riflessione incentrata sulla ricerca di valori incontrovertibili, capaci di resistere al pensiero critico e di trasformare concretamente la vita degli uomini. Per la varietà dei suoi interessi, per i temi di cui si è occupato e per le scelte politiche che ha compiuto, S. è certamente uno dei protagonisti più interessanti della storia della cultura italiana.  Nasce da Prospero e Rosa Leone. Dopo essersi diplomato al liceo classico Vico di Chieti, inizia a frequentare la facoltà di Giurisprudenza dell’Università di Roma per laurearsi. Lo stesso anno si iscrive a Lettere e filosofia e si laureò con Gentile discutendo una tesi sul pragmatismo italiano che pubblica. Da allora divenne uno dei più stretti collaboratori del filosofo idealista: nominato segretario di redazione del «Giornale critico di filosofia italiana», aderì al fascismo; firmò il «Manifesto degli intellettuali fascisti» e, quando lavora all’Enciclopedia Italiana ed era assistente alla cattedra di pedagogia dell’Università di Roma, fondò il bimestrale Nuovi studi di politica, economia e diritto» con l’obiettivo di diffondere i principi della filosofia di Gentile nelle scienze sociali. E, in effetti, per tutti gli anni Venti si impegnò nelle battaglie promosse dal filosofo idealista, convinto che l’attualismo rappresentasse l’espressione più importante della filosofia moderna, come dichiarò in L’idealismo italiano e i suoi critici. stato/cittadini, pathos romantico, romanticism e nuovo ordine, sindicalismo, fascismo da sinestra, filobolcevicco, corporativismo, attualismo, stato fascista, equilibrio liberta/autorita, gentile e spirito, i filosofi fascisti, filosofia e revoluzione, romanticismo, proprieta, filosofia come pedagogia.  C. Esp., legal power, right over or to a thing (class.): potestatis verbo plura significantur: in personā magistratuum imperium, in personā liberorum patria potestas, in personā servi dominium: at cum agimus de noxae deditione cum eo, qui servum non defendit, praesentis corporis copiam facultatemque significamus. Ex lege Atiniā in potestatem domini rem furtivam venisse videri, et si ejus vindicandae potestatem habuerit, Sabinus et Cassius aiunt, Dig. 50, 16, 215. Grice: Caro Spirito, sapessi quanto mi incuriosisce il tuo problematicismo! Ma dimmi, tra corpo e corporazione, chi porta i pantaloni in filosofia? O è tutto un ballo di maschere come al Carnevale di Arezzo? Spirito: Grice, sei sempre un fine ballerino del pensiero! Ti rispondo: per noi fascisti, il corpo è la base, la corporazione il vestito... Ma guai a chi scambia la toga col mantello! In filosofia, si danza sul filo del rasoio, ma guai a perdere l’equilibrio: si rischia di finire sotto il palco invece che sopra! Grice: Ah, allora una corporazione senza corpo è come una modifica senza aberrazione, come diceva Austin a Vadum Boum: si cambia tutto e non si vede niente! Ma, Spirito, se il corpo si perde, resta solo una festa di fantasmi... o peggio, una riunione di spiriti senza spirito! Spirito: Come direbbero gli aretini: Grice, lasciami dire, da fascista a filosofo—la più corporea delle implicature, signore!” Qui non si scherza: se manca il corpo, la filosofia diventa aria fritta! E tu, col tuo humor inglese, rischi di trasformare una corporazione in una compagnia di fantasmi... Ma almeno, con te, si ride di cuore e di corpo! provide without preamble or ps a 100-move conversation as G. and S. discuss the essay by Spirito quoted 'i doveri inerenti al diritto di patria potesta' as they examine the logic of right and duty -- the reciprocity -- the Ancient Roman context -- Spirito motivation, the Ancietn Roman motivation -- the meaning of 'inerenti' as they try to encapsulate a deontic logic in terms of Ancient Roman practice and more contemporary Italian philosophy. You can use passage below as basis: G.: Let us begin with the title, because titles of this sort usually contain more jurisprudence than they first appear to. I doveri inerenti al diritto di patria potestà. S.: Yes. It sounds dry, but it is really a nest of problems: right, duty, inherence, paternity, authority, and the Roman habit of making family law look like a branch of metaphysics. G.: Quite. The first thing to notice is that duties are said to be inerenti to a right. That is already a loaded relation. S.: Because one might have said correlated with, attached to, arising from, limited by, generated by. G.: Exactly. But inerenti says more than correlation and less than identity. It suggests something built into the very exercise of the right. S.: So if one has the diritto di patria potestà, one does not merely happen to acquire some external obligations. The obligations are internal to the very right. G.: Very good. Inherence is stronger than accompaniment. It resists the vulgar picture in which a right is a glorious liberty and duties are merely bureaucratic taxes imposed afterward. S.: Then Spirito is already pressing toward reciprocity. G.: Yes. A right that carries its own duties is not a one-way authorisation. It is a normatively shaped power. S.: Which is exactly what patria potestas was in Roman law and exactly what later ideology is tempted to forget about it. G.: Good. Now, how should we parse patria potestas itself? S.: Not sentimentally. It is not fatherhood in the nursery sense. Potestas is legal power, recognised authority over persons, specifically children, under a structure older and harsher than modern domesticity likes to admit. G.: Yes. Potestas is not merely influence. Nor is it simply dominium, though Roman law distinguishes those. Imperium in magistrates, patria potestas over children, dominium over slaves. The distinctions matter. S.: Because Spirito’s title is not on parental affection, but on the duties inherent in a legal power. G.: Exactly. A legal power which, in Roman thought, is already socially constitutive. The family is not merely private sentiment; it is a juridical cell of the republic. S.: So the ancient Roman context matters from the start. The father’s right is not just a private entitlement but a publicly legible office within the moral and legal order. G.: Very good. Which means the duties are not only toward the child but toward the order in which fatherhood is legible as authority. S.: That already begins to sound suspiciously useful to later corporative and organic political thinkers. G.: It does, and we must be careful. Spirito in 1918 is not yet the full theorist of corporativism, but the attraction to structured reciprocity between right and function is already there. S.: Then perhaps his choice of topic was not accidental. G.: Certainly not. One must remember the institutional setting: jurisprudence at Rome, under Ferri and Pantaleoni, with philosophy never far away and social theory pressing on legal categories. S.: So the essay on patria potestas is not just an antiquarian Roman-law exercise. G.: No. It is Roman material being used to think the general logic of authority and obligation. One might even say it is an early rehearsal for later questions about state, body, corporazione, and organised power. S.: Then the key problem is this: can a right be intelligible without a corresponding duty, and if not, what sort of correspondence is at stake? G.: Excellent. That is exactly the conceptual centre. If rights are bare permissions, duties look external. If rights are normative powers, duties may be internal conditions of their proper exercise. S.: So “inerenti” suggests the second. G.: Yes. The father’s right over the child is not a blank cheque. It is already framed by duties of care, formation, preservation, representation, and perhaps transmission of status. S.: But ancient Rome did not always state those in the moralised way modernity prefers. G.: No, though Roman practice was never as simple as the caricature of arbitrary paternal tyranny. The legal power was formidable, but social and customary norms, and later juridical developments, complicated the picture considerably. S.: So when Spirito speaks of duties inherent in patria potestas, he is in part retrospectively rationalising Roman practice through a more modern juridical lens. G.: Yes. That is important. He is not merely reproducing the XII Tables. He is conceptualising Roman law in a philosophical vocabulary already touched by modern concerns about the mutuality of right and duty. S.: Which makes the word inerenti even more significant. G.: Exactly. It is a philosophical word doing legal work. It says: a right is structurally incomplete if conceived without the obligations that make it more than licence. S.: Then is there a deontic logic hidden here? G.: Not hidden, but half-formed. One might say: if X has right R over Y, then X is under duties D with respect to Y, such that the intelligible exercise of R presupposes D. S.: So R implies not mere liberty but normative burden. G.: Good. But we must distinguish kinds of implication. Not formal entailment in the narrow logical sense, perhaps, but conceptual dependence or juridical inseparability. S.: Would you call that analytic? G.: In the older philosophical sense, perhaps. Certainly not merely empirical. If one says “right of patria potestas” and then denies any duties whatever, one seems not just morally objectionable but conceptually obtuse. S.: Then Spirito’s title could be read as an argument against unilateral conceptions of authority. G.: Exactly. Authority is always easier to claim than to think. The title tries to force the thought. S.: And in Roman terms, the father’s right is over persons, not things. G.: Very important. Potestas over children differs from dominium over property or slaves, however entangled Roman practice might sometimes make them seem. Duties become salient because the object of the right is a person in formation. S.: So the reciprocity is not symmetrical, but it is still real. G.: Very good. The child does not possess equivalent rights in Roman law, yet the father’s right is normatively shaped by the child’s status as family member, future citizen, bearer of lineage, and so on. S.: Then there is a proto-public dimension within the domestic. G.: Precisely. Roman family law is never wholly private. That is why modern theorists of organic order keep returning to it. S.: Including, eventually, the fascist ones. G.: Yes, though again one should not read 1918 only backward from the ventennio. But one should not read it innocently either. S.: Because the attraction to juridically embedded authority already lends itself to later corporative thinking. G.: Exactly. The family becomes the first body, authority becomes function, right becomes office, duty becomes inherent, and soon enough the state appears as enlarged household or organised totality. S.: Then Spirito’s motivation may already contain the seed of that movement from legal power to ethical-political structure. G.: Very likely. At minimum, the essay lets him think how power can be justified only if its normative conditions are internal rather than imposed from outside. S.: Which is a dangerous and fertile thought. G.: As most good thoughts are. If duties are inherent to a right, then criticism of abuse may say not merely “you used the right badly” but “you failed to understand what the right was.” S.: So abuse is not accidental misuse but conceptual corruption. G.: Excellent. That is the strongest reading of inerenti. S.: Then perhaps we should formalise it. If P is patria potestas, and D the set of duties inherent in it, one cannot coherently claim P while denying D. G.: Yes, though the temptation then is to oversimplify. The relation is not quite biconditional. S.: Because one might discharge some duties without possessing the legal right. G.: Exactly. A tutor, mother, guardian, or magistrate may perform some paternal functions without holding patria potestas in the strict Roman sense. S.: So P implies D, but D does not imply P. G.: Very good. That is already a useful deontic asymmetry. S.: And what of the converse? Does abuse of P imply forfeiture of P? G.: Not logically, though morally one may wish it did. In Roman law, the loss or curtailment of potestas depends on specific legal conditions, not merely on philosophical irritation. S.: So the deontic logic is not self-executing. G.: Exactly. Law and morality never align as neatly as seminarists hope. S.: Then Spirito’s essay is not merely logical but pedagogic. It teaches how to think authority as bounded from within. G.: Yes, and that pedagogic aspect suits him. Philosophy as formation, law as the shaping of life, rights as educational rather than merely protective categories. S.: Which makes perfect sense under Gentile’s shadow. G.: Very much so. Even before the fully explicit later politics, the atmosphere is one in which philosophy, law, pedagogy, and social order are not kept politely apart. S.: Then how Roman is all this? G.: Roman enough in material, modern enough in reconstruction. The Romans certainly tied authority to office, function, status, and public legibility. But “duties inherent in the right” sounds like a modern philosophical-juridical gloss on Roman institutions rather than a native Roman formula. S.: So Spirito reads Rome through contemporary categories in order to learn something about both. G.: Exactly. That is why he is interesting. He is not editing a Digest. He is mining Roman practice for a general logic of right and duty. S.: Then we should ask whether “right” itself is the best rendering of diritto here. G.: A good complication. Diritto can mean right, law, justice, legal order, and doctrinal field. In this title, however, “diritto di patria potestas” does suggest the legal right or lawful claim embodied in paternal power. S.: So the English “right” works, but only if one hears it juridically rather than as mere subjective entitlement. G.: Exactly. Contemporary Anglo talk of rights often sounds too individualistic. Roman and early twentieth-century Italian jurisprudence hear right as embedded in legal order and function. S.: Which brings us back to reciprocity. If rights are socially embedded powers, duties can be inherent. If rights are atomistic choices, duties look added. G.: Splendid. That is one of the central contrasts worth stating outright. S.: Then perhaps Spirito’s later political path can be seen as an enlargement of this model: rights and powers embedded in social bodies whose duties are internal to their roles. G.: Yes, though that enlargement is precisely where the danger lies. What begins as the internal normativity of paternal power can become the internal normativity of corporative obedience. S.: So the conceptual elegance can serve grim politics. G.: Often does. A beautifully reciprocal logic is no guarantee of a tolerable regime. S.: Still, one sees why he liked the topic. It lets him resist liberal pictures of isolated right-bearing subjects. G.: Yes. The father in Roman law is never an isolated rights-bearer; he is a node of authority within a network of obligations, lineage, property, worship, and civic continuity. S.: Which makes patria potestas an exemplary case for a philosopher searching for substantive social forms. G.: Exactly. It is almost tailor-made for someone impatient with thin formal rights-talk. S.: Yet from your point of view, one must ask who recognises the obligations and how they become intelligible. G.: Precisely. A right and its duties are not self-speaking. One needs public criteria, legal forms, practices of recognition, reasons, disputes, judgments. S.: So even here, one could almost say meaning is interpersonal before it is metaphysical. G.: Very good. The father’s authority means what it does only within recognisable forms of life and legal uptake. S.: That sounds almost anti-Spiritian. G.: Not anti, merely deflationary. I should not want to say “being is paternal,” or anything equally monstrous. I should say that authority is a practice whose descriptions carry normative implications. S.: Then “inerenti” may be translated into your preferred idiom as something like “built into the correct description of the right.” G.: Exactly. If you describe the legal power rightly, the duties come with it. If you leave them out, you have changed the thing described. S.: So the logic is descriptive and normative at once. G.: Yes. That is why the title is good. It forces one into the borderland where legal analysis and ethical judgment cannot quite be kept apart. S.: The Romans liked that borderland. G.: They inhabited it. Family law, inheritance, office, property, cult, status, all the old Roman categories are never purely private and never merely theoretical. S.: Then perhaps the deeper Roman motivation behind patria potestas was continuity. G.: Very much so. Continuity of household, name, cult, property, civic reproduction, and social stability. The father’s power is intelligible because the family is an institution of transmission. S.: Which in turn explains the duties. G.: Exactly. If the purpose is transmission and formation, duties of maintenance, education, arrangement of marriage, preservation of status, and legal representation become integral rather than optional. S.: So one might say that function grounds duty more clearly than mere possession. G.: Very good. The right is functional, not merely possessive. That is a Roman and also a very non-liberal way of thinking. S.: Which again helps explain Spirito’s attraction. G.: Yes. He is looking for categories in which law, life, duty, and organised authority are not disaggregated into abstract individuals and external constraints. S.: Then Ferri and Pantaleoni hovering in the background complicate matters too. G.: Indeed. One from criminology and social theory, the other from economics and public thought. The young jurist is in a field where right, duty, social function, and practical order are all pressing at once. S.: So the essay is conceptually juridical but atmospherically political. G.: Very nicely put. S.: Thank you. G.: Do not become pleased with yourself. Now, should we worry about whether duties are reciprocal in the strict sense? S.: Not symmetrical, as we said, but reciprocal in that the right-holder is not normatively unbound and the other party is not merely object. G.: Exactly. Reciprocity need not mean equality. It may mean mutual implication within an asymmetrical role structure. S.: So father and child are linked by non-symmetrical deontic relations. G.: Yes. The father has powers and duties; the child has claims, protections, statuses, eventual expectations, and perhaps only later independent rights in the fuller sense. S.: Then Roman practice gives us asymmetrical reciprocity, while contemporary philosophy tends to expect symmetry. G.: Precisely. And that is one reason the Roman material is philosophically instructive. It reminds one that normative relations need not be egalitarian in order to be structured. S.: Though one may still dislike the structure. G.: Certainly. Analysis is not endorsement. S.: A sentence useful in many Italian contexts. G.: In most political ones. Now, what if one denied that duties are inherent and said they are merely social expectations surrounding the right? S.: Then Spirito would say one has emptied the right of its ethical substance. G.: Yes, and perhaps also its jurisprudential seriousness. A right detached from its inherent duties becomes either brute power or hollow formalism. S.: Which are precisely the two poles he dislikes. G.: Exactly. The conceptual ambition is to avoid both. Neither naked command nor empty norm, but ethically shaped legal power. S.: Again, very attractive in theory. G.: And dangerous in political hands. S.: As with corporativism later. G.: Yes. One must never forget how easily “internal duty” can become a device for demanding obedience in the name of essence. S.: Then perhaps the final judgment on the essay is mixed. G.: It should be. Philosophically, it is an instructive exploration of how rights and duties may be internally related. Historically, it sits at the threshold of a style of thought in which authority, function, and ethical substance become ever harder to disentangle. S.: And Roman law supplies the exemplary case. G.: Precisely. Rome furnishes the grave old vocabulary by which modern Italians could think authority without yet admitting they were thinking the state. S.: So patria potestas is both family law and political prologue. G.: Excellent. Keep that. S.: I shall. G.: Then one last question. Is “inerenti” better translated as inherent, immanent, or intrinsic? S.: Inherent, I think, because it preserves the juridical and conceptual tie without sounding too metaphysical. Immanent is too grand; intrinsic too moral-psychological. G.: Agreed. Inherent keeps the right sort of dryness. S.: Which is what this whole matter needs. G.: Yes. Dryness is sometimes the only moral hygiene left to legal philosophy. S.: Dry enough? G.: Sufficiently Roman, with a Tuscan aftertaste.Spirito, Ugo (1918). Dissertazione. I doveri inerenti al diritto di patria potestà.  Sotto Enrico Ferri e Maffeo Pantaleoni. Giurisprudenza, Roma, Palazzo della Sapienza, Corso Rinascimento.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spisani – Ossia: Grice e Spisani: la ragione conversazionale della contestazione. Note su Natura e spirito nell’idealismo attuale. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice. Franco Spisani (Ferrara, Emilia): la ragione conversazionale della contestazione. From the perspective of reason‑governed conversational meaning, the contrast between Grice and Spisani is revealing. Grice’s theory treats conversation as a cooperative rational practice governed by shared norms: speakers intend meanings, hearers recognize those intentions, and conversational order is sustained by maxims that articulate what a reasonable participant is entitled to expect. Rationality, for Grice, is not merely logical correctness but a practical, interpersonal discipline that stabilizes meaning through mutual accountability and the calculability of implicatures. Spisani, by contrast, places contestation at the very heart of rational practice. Where Grice emphasizes coordination and convergence under rational constraints, Spisani emphasizes rupture, resistance, and productive imbalance. His “conversational reason” is not primarily oriented toward agreement but toward the exposure of limits—of metaphysics, of formal systems, and of settled rules. Dialogue in Spisani is a genuine engine of conceptual transformation, not simply a medium for transmitting intentions already formed; hence his preference for dialogical exposition and emblematic figures like Clipso, which signal that rationality advances through displacement and tension rather than equilibrium. In this sense, Spisani radicalizes a dimension that in Grice remains implicit: reason is not only what makes mutual understanding possible, but also what authorizes the challenge, revision, and re‑genesis of the very rules that govern understanding. If Grice offers a normative pragmatics explaining how meaning is responsibly maintained in ordinary conversation, Spisani offers a critical pragmatics in which conversation itself becomes the site where rational forms are destabilized and re‑created. Si laurea a Padova con una tesi di sull'attualismo italiano, Natura e spirito nell’idealismo attuale” (Milano, Fabbri). In seguito collabora a Urbino. A Bologna fonda “Rassegna di Logica”  e il centro di logica. In una lettera Carnap critica una sua decisione di non pubblicare un'opera. Morì suicida. Altri saggi: “Neutralizzazione dello spazio per sintesi produttiva” (Bologna, Cappelli); “Implicazione, endo-metria e universo del discorso” (Bologna) e “Introduzione alla teoria generale dei numeri relativi, con ingresso dei numeri moltiplicatori e divisori, legati alla logica e alla matematica trascendentale” (Bologna, Centro di logica e scienze comparate, analisi matematica). C'è una relazione divisoria che ipotizza il valore “M,” numero logico trans-infinito all'origine della neutralizzazione dello spazio trans-finito. “ℵ” va verso successivi aumenti. Ma è la relatività dei numeri, espressa nel calcolo per valori di posizione, che ne individua la direzione inversa. Spiega le sue scoperte in forma di dialogo. Tra gli interlocutori la misteriosa figura della piovra Clipso.  Logo-fenica. Altri saggi: “Il numero nell'istanza ontologica del rapporto d'identità” (Imola, Galeati); “Logica ed esperienza”; “Logica della contestazione” (Bologna, Cappelli).  Sulla storia della pubblicazione della Teoria generale, importanti ricerche erano già pronte. Allora, dice: “Ne discuto con Carnap. Carnap sottopone i risultati dell'indagine. Carnap spiega anche le ragioni che mi induceno a non diffonderne le conclusioni. Carnap risponde che quella scelta gli sembra affatto ingiustificata: l'operas crises non poteva rimanere nel silenzio. Tuttavia non cambiai parere. Non avrei pubblicato, e glielo confermai. il concetto di numero, numero naturale, numero relativo, logica auto-genetica, numero relativo moltiplicatore, numero relativo divisore, opposto, contradittorio, regole e segni, contestazione, esperienza, limiti della metafisica. G: 1939, S. You have found an Italian in 1962 and brought him back to my desk as if chronology were a maxim. S: Sir, chronology is only a maxim when it is convenient. G: Good. Now. Spisani. S: Franco Spisani, 1962. Natura e spirito nell’idealismo attuale. G: And the term that annoys you. S: Attuale. G: And the term you think he should have written about but didn’t. S: Possibile. G: Now read the slogan you offered as a sophisma. S: What is actual is not also possible. G: And your face already tells me you think I’m wrong to call it an implicature. S: I think you’re wrong to call it cancellable, sir. G: Let us slow down. First: taken literally, “not possible” means “impossible.” S: Yes. G: And that would contradict the modal axiom you are allowed to know before breakfast: actual implies possible. S: Unless “possible” is being used in some non-standard way. G: Exactly. Now we are in Spisani’s territory: not only logic but usage. “Attuale” in Gentile is not the newspaper sense of “current.” It is actus: the act in act, the thinking that is doing. S: But Aristotle’s actus and potentia is not Gentile’s attualismo, is it. G: Not identical, but genealogically tempting. Gentile borrows the aura of act to say: reality is not a finished product; it is the doing of thinking. S: So attuale is not “contemporary.” G: Exactly. “Attuale” as “present-day” is the usage no philosopher cares about unless he is forced to write a grant application. S: Then why does Spisani focus on attuale and not on possibile. G: Because he is writing inside the attualist lexicon: the polemical thrust is against treating reality as a stock of things. He wants reality as act. S: And “possibility” sounds like a warehouse. G: Exactly. Possibility sounds like a shelf of unrealised items. Attualismo wants to burn the warehouse and call the fire reality. S: That is rather poetic, sir. G: It is also diagnostic. Now: the sophisma. When someone says, “What is actual is not possible,” what might they mean. S: They might mean: what is actual is not merely possible. G: Exactly. That is the charitable repair. S: So the “not possible” is not negation of possibility but rejection of mere possibility. G: Yes. And the difference between those two is everything. The sentence as uttered is false; the sentence as intended can be true. S: Then it is not an implicature; it is a correction. G: Careful. It can be treated either way. One could say: the speaker said something false but meant something else. Or one could say: the speaker said something that invites a hearer to recover a rational point by assuming the speaker is not insane. S: That sounds like your cooperative principle smuggled into metaphysics. G: It is my cooperative principle smuggled into anywhere language is used. Now, cancellable. You objected. S: Yes. You said the implicature is cancellable because actual entails possible. But if the speaker meant “not merely possible,” that is not cancellable without destroying the point. G: Good. That shows you have distinguished two targets. There are two candidate “extras” here. S: Extras. G: One extra is: “and indeed it is possible.” But that is not an implicature; that is entailment, as you just said. S: Exactly. G: The other extra is: “not merely possible.” That is the pragmatic rescue reading, which behaves like an implicature in the sense that it is inferred from the oddity of the original. S: And is that cancellable. G: It is cancellable in the ordinary way: “What is actual is not possible—by which I mean impossible.” That cancels the rescue and produces a contradiction. S: But then the utterance becomes absurd. G: Yes. Cancellation can yield absurdity. That is allowed. A cancellable inference is cancellable even if cancelling it makes the speaker look foolish. S: So your point is not that the cancellation is sensible, but that the cancellation is linguistically possible. G: Exactly. Now: Spisani and Gentile. You said Spisani is trading on Gentile’s use of attuale. S: Yes. G: Then we must keep two senses of attuale in play. S: The philosophical one: act in act. G: And the newspaper one: contemporary. S: Which nobody cares about. G: Except the poor reader who buys the book thinking it’s about current events. S: Does Spisani exploit the ambiguity. G: He may not exploit it; he inherits it. But your Gricean move is to notice that ambiguity invites inferences in readers: some will supply the wrong “attuale.” S: And then they will think the book is about modern idealism, not idealism as act. G: Exactly. Now you asked for Aristotle’s square, or the square of opposition. S: Yes. I thought we might treat “possible” as “true in at least one possible world,” but I worried it was circular. G: It’s only circular if you define possible in terms of possible. “True in at least one possible world” can be taken as a model-theoretic explication, not a definition, but you must be careful with your audience. S: Which is you, sir. G: Unfortunately. Now: the square of opposition is about necessary, possible, impossible, contingent in a certain traditional arrangement. S: But we have “actual” in the mix. G: Yes. Actual is not one of Aristotle’s four corners in the same way. It is closer to a fact about the world that sits outside the modal operators. It’s the evaluation world, as the moderns say. S: So actual is like “true at the actual world.” G: Precisely. And then possible is “true at some accessible world.” Now you see the temptation: actual implies possible, because the actual world is among the accessible worlds, if we allow it. S: And that is where you catch my circularity. Because to say the actual world is accessible is already to build your modal frame. G: Exactly. So you must state your accessibility relation. Otherwise you are smuggling metaphysics into your semantics. S: Which is what Spisani might actually enjoy. G: Quite. Now, how do we connect this to Gentile. S: Gentile’s “actual” is not “true at the actual world.” It is “the act of thinking itself,” which is prior to worlds. G: Yes. For Gentile, worlds are abstractions inside the act. So modal talk becomes suspicious: possibility is a shadow of thought, not a realm of alternatives. S: So for Gentile, to call something “possible” may already be to treat it as a “pensato” rather than “pensante.” G: Excellent. And that is why “actual is not possible” could become, in attualist mouth, a polemical slogan meaning: do not treat the act as one item among alternatives. S: So the slogan is not a modal claim. It is a metaphysical scolding. G: Yes. And that is the key Grice point: the hearer must decide whether the speaker is asserting a modal proposition or performing a philosophical rebuke. S: And the difference is what is said versus what is meant. G: Exactly. The string “not possible” might, in that context, be meant as “not merely possible.” S: Then Spisani is pleased with the philosophical point because few understand attuale in Gentile’s sense. G: Yes. Now, the question of entailment versus implicature. S: You said earlier: actual entails possible. So any inference from “actual” to “possible” is not implicature. G: Correct. It is implication in the strict logical sense. But the interesting conversational phenomenon is different: when someone denies the possibility, you infer they meant “mere possibility.” S: So that is a pragmatic repair. G: Yes. And one can say: the denial generates an implicature that rescues the speaker from contradiction. S: Unless the speaker intended contradiction. G: Then he is either a mystic or a poor logician. Either way, one must not multiply senses beyond necessity. S: That sounds like your moral again. G: It is. Now, why is Spisani not writing about the possibile. S: Because his target is not the modal square but the nature/spirit opposition in attualism. G: Exactly. He wants to show how nature and spirit relate inside the act. If he wanders into modal logic, he risks looking like a man who has confused metaphysics with machinery. S: Yet you want machinery. G: I want machinery when it clarifies, and I want it kept in the cupboard when it does not. Now, let’s stage the sophisma more carefully. S: You mean rewrite it. G: Not rewrite. Diagnose. Suppose a philosopher says: “What is actual is not possible.” S: I, as hearer, think: he can’t mean impossible, because then actual would be impossible, which is nonsense. G: And you then infer: he must mean “not merely possible.” S: That is the implicature. G: That is the implicated rescue. S: But is it really an implicature, sir, or just disambiguation. G: It behaves like implicature because it is triggered by the assumption of rationality and cooperation. Disambiguation can be done by syntax; this is done by charity. S: So it is like repairing a malapropism. G: Precisely. Now, bring Spisani back. S: He is dwelling on “idealismo attuale.” The adjective “attuale” invites the untrained to think “contemporary idealism.” G: And the trained to think “idealism of the act.” S: And he wants the second. G: Yes. And he likely does not care to make the modal point explicit: that act implies possibility, because he would regard that as either trivial or a different plane. S: So your point is that he presupposes the entailment and does not articulate it. G: Yes. And you are annoyed because you want every presupposition made explicit. S: It would save me time, sir. G: Philosophy is not designed to save you time. It is designed to waste it in respectable ways. S: Then what is the punchline. G: The punchline is that Spisani wrote about the attuale because that was fashionable in the Italian sense, and you want him to have written about the possibile because that is fashionable in the Oxford sense. Each of you is, in your own way, only “possible.”Grice: Caro Spisani, ho letto con grande interesse la tua riflessione sull'attualismo italiano e il rapporto tra natura e spirito. Mi incuriosisce molto la tua idea di contestazione e la neutralizzazione dello spazio: pensi che la logica possa realmente superare i limiti della metafisica? Spisani: Grice, grazie per la domanda! La contestazione, secondo me, nasce proprio dal dubbio sul potere della logica di risolvere tutto: mi piace pensare che, attraverso i numeri relativi e la sintesi produttiva, si possa esplorare nuovi orizzonti, senza rinchiudersi nella rigidità metafisica. Il dialogo, anche con figure emblematiche come la piovra Clipso, serve a mettere in discussione ciò che crediamo assoluto. Grice: Affascinante, davvero! Trovo interessante la tua relazione divisoria con il numero “M,” e la direzione inversa dell’ “ℵ”. Mi chiedo: ritieni che la logica auto-genetica possa offrire un nuovo modo di intendere l’esperienza, magari come un percorso dialogico e non solo teorico? Spisani: Esattamente, Grice! Ogni esperienza è contestazione e dialogo; la logica auto-genetica non è solo un modello matematico, ma un modo di vivere la realtà in modo dinamico. Penso che la filosofia debba sempre mettere in discussione le proprie regole e segni, per aprirsi a nuove possibilità. In fondo, la vera ricchezza sta nel confronto e nella capacità di reinventarsi: proprio come stiamo facendo ora, conversando! Spisani, Franco (1962). Natura e spirito nell’idealismo attuale, Milano, Fabbri.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Splattio – Ossia: Grice e Splattio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPLATTIO The gens Splattia or Splatia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Almost no members of this gens appear in history, but a few are known from inscriptions. The most illustrious of the Splattii was Gaius Splattius, praetor in AD 29, during the reign of Tiberius.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Splattius, praetor urbanus in AD 29, and a member of the Arval Brethren.[1][2][3] Marcus Splattius M. l. An[...], a freedman named in an inscription from Rome, dating between the middle of the first century, and the middle of the second.[4] Splattia Corneliana, buried in a second-century tomb at Histonium in Samnium, dedicated by her mother, Mindia Tyche.[5] Splattius Eutychus, dedicated a second- or third-century tomb at Histonium for his friend, Machario, aged thirty-five years, six months, along with Machario's mother, whose name has not been preserved.[6] Splatia Nice, dedicated a second-century sepulchre at Aecae in Apulia for herself, her husband, Quintus Turranius Exoratus, and their daughter, Turrania Marcella, aged twenty-five years, two months.[7] See also List of Roman gentes References  AE 1987, 163.  PW, Splattius.  PIR, S. 580.  AE 2011, 176.  CIL IX, 6920.  CIL IX, 6916.  AE 1972, 141. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). August Pauly, Georg Wissowa, et alii, Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Scientific Encyclopedia of the Knowledge of Classical Antiquities, abbreviated RE or PW), J. B. Metzler, Stuttgart (1894–1980). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Splattio – Ossia: Grice e Splattio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPLATTIO For the Splattii, the obvious historical candidate is Gaius Splattius, because he is the only member of the gens whom the entry explicitly identifies as:  praetor urbanus in AD 29, and a member of the Arval Brethren. [GREXv3 | Word]  But what makes him interesting to a Grice-Speranza reading is not the praetorship itself. It is the combination of:  law, ritual, public authority.  The praetor urbanus is constantly involved in a communicative act that fascinated both Roman jurists and later philosophers of language:  saying something that changes reality.  Grice e Splattio: De Verbis Efficientibus PRAETOR. Dico. (I pronounce.) CIVIS. Sed quid accidit? (But what happens?) PRAETOR. Ius accidit. (The law happens.) CIVIS. Ergo verba faciunt? (So words do things?) PRAETOR. Non omnia, sed quaedam. (Not all words, but some.) GRICE. Quaedam locutiones non describunt rem; constituunt rem. (Some utterances do not describe a situation; they constitute it.)     The utterance itself alters the institutional facts.   This is halfway between Austin and Grice. A judge says:  "I acquit."  A magistrate says:  "I appoint."  A priest says:  "The sacrifice is accepted."  The words are not merely reports. They are acts.  The connection with the Arval Brethren makes the point even stronger. The Roman priesthood depended upon formulas whose force was tied to their correct public utterance. A member of the Arval college lived in a world where speech, ritual, and authority were inseparable. [GREXv3 | Word] Dry Speranzian formula  The Sosii publish books; the Splattii administer words. Gaius Splattius was both praetor and Arval Brother. Grice would note that some utterances merely convey information, while others create obligations, offices, and legal states. Roman magistracy is pragmatics with consequences. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Splattio – Ossia: Grice e Splattio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPLATTIO Alternative candidate A charming second choice would be Splattius Eutychus, who built a tomb for his friend Machario. The inscription explicitly commemorates friendship rather than kinship. [GREXv3 | Word] That raises a very Gricean question:  When a tomb says "friend," what social relationship is being publicly asserted?  But the evidence is much thinner.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurilio – Ossia: Grice e Spurilio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURILIO. The gens Spurilia, sometimes spelled Spurillia, was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Hardly any members of this gens are mentioned by ancient writers, for the Spurilius mentioned in some manuscripts of Livy as tribune of the plebs in 422 BC is amended by some authorities to "Spurius Icilius", while it is uncertain whether the moneyer who issued denarii in 139 BC was named Spurius, Spurilius, or Spurinna. Nevertheless, a number of Spurilii are known from inscriptions.[1][2][3]  Origin The nomen Spurilius is formed from the praenomen Spurius, using the diminutive suffix -ilius, which was frequently used to form new gentilicia from existing names.[4] Spurius was a common name in the early period of Roman history, and favoured by a number of prominent families, but became scarcer toward the end of the Republic, probably due to confusion with the adjective spurius, "illegitimate". The origin and meaning of Spurius is uncertain, but Deecke proposes that the name is of Etruscan derivation, and might have meant something akin to "city dweller", being synonymous with the Latin praenomen Publius.[5]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Spurilii were Gaius, Lucius, and Marcus, the three most common names at all periods of Roman history. Aulus and Tiberius represent early, but very uncertain cases, since the individuals bearing them may not actually have belonged to the Spurilia gens.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Tiberius Spurilius or Spurillius, amended by some authorities to Spurius Icilius, was a cavalry commander under the consul Gaius Sempronius Atratinus in 423 BC. As Sempronius was threatened with prosecution for his conduct of the war against the Volsci, Spurilius and three of his brothers-in-arms, Tiberius Antistius, Marcus Asellius, and Sextus Tempanius, were elected tribune of the plebs for the following year, in order to protect Sempronius.[i][7][8][1][2][9] Aulus Spurilius, minted denarii in 139 BC, featuring the head of Roma on the obverse, and on the reverse Luna driving a biga. His nomen is uncertain, and might instead by Spurius or Spurinna.[10][1][2][3] Lucius Spurilius L. f., buried at Tarquinii in Etruria, aged sixty-five, in a tomb dating to the last quarter of the second century BC.[11] Gaius Spurilius M. f., one of the quattuorviri at Falerii in Etruria, had also been quaestor.[12] Marcus Spurilius C. f., mentioned in an inscription from Falerii, dating to the first half of the first century, had been quaestor twice, and duumvir.[13] Publius Spurilius Ampliatus, dedicated a second-century tomb at Ameria in Umbria for his old nurse, Spurilia Hypate.[14] Spurilia Deutera, dedicated a monument at Rome for her father, Gaius Spurilius Soter.[15] Gaius Spurilius Fortunatus, one of the Seviri Augustales at Ameria, made an offering to Mercury.[16] Gaius Spurilius C. l. Hermaiscus, a freedman at Rome, who together with Attia Nice and Gaius Vet[...], are recorded making a gift of three pots, some time in the first half of the first century.[17] Spurilia Hypate, the nurse of Publius Spurilius Ampliatus, who built a second-century tomb at Ameria for her.[14] Lucius Spurilius Hypnus, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, dating to the first half of the first century.[18] Spurillia Myrtis, named in an inscription from Ostia in Latium.[19] Spurilia C. f. Naïs, buried at Ameria, aged eight months, twenty-two days, in a tomb dedicated by her parents, Gaius Spurilius Secundus and Roscia Euterpe, and dating to the second half of the first century.[20] Marsa Spurilia Nica, named in a sepulchral inscription from Ameria, dating to the end of the first century BC, or the beginning of the first century AD.[21] Spurilia Primitiva, buried a Rome, with a monument from her husband, Caecilius Apollonius.[22] Gaius Spurilius Secundus, along with his wife, Roscia Euterpe, dedicated a tomb for their infant daughter, Spurilia Naïs, at Ameria, during the latter half of the first century.[20] Gaius Spurilius Soter, buried at Rome, with a monument from his daughter, Spurilia Deutera.[15] Footnotes  Sempronius was finally brought to trial, convicted, and fined in 420 BC.[6] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 897 ("Spurilia Gens").  PW, "Ti. Spurilius".  Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage, p. 263.  Chase, pp. 122, 123.  Deecke, "Der Dativ Larθiale", p. 43.  Livy, iv. 37–44.  Livy, iv. 42.  Valerius Maximus, vi. 5. § 2.  Broughton, vol. I, p. 69 (and Note 2).  Eckhel, v. p. 315.  CIL XI, 3487.  CIL XI, 7502.  CIL XI, 7501.  AE 2000, 522.  CIL VI, 26707.  AE 1997, 487.  CIL VI, 33651.  CIL VI, 26706.  CIL XIV, 1608.  CIL XI, 4527.  CIL XI, 4528.  CIL VI, 28817a. Bibliography Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Joseph Hilarius Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum Veterum (The Study of Ancient Coins, 1792–1798). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Wilhelm Deecke, "Der Dativ Larθiale und der Stammerweiterung auf -ali" ("The Dative Larθiale and the Extension of Stems with -ali"), in Etruskische Forschungen und Studien (Etruscan Research and Studies), Albert Heitz, Stuttgart, vol. II (1882). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). August Pauly, Georg Wissowa, et alii, Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Scientific Encyclopedia of the Knowledge of Classical Antiquities, abbreviated RE or PW), J. B. Metzler, Stuttgart (1894–1980). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952–1986). Michael Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage, Cambridge University Press (1974, 2001). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurilio – Ossia: Grice e Spurilio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURILIO. For the Spurilii, my first choice would be Tiberius Spurilius (if that reading is accepted), precisely because his existence is textually uncertain and tied to a political act of representation. The gens article notes that some authorities emend the name to Spurius Icilius, while Livy's manuscripts give Tiberius Spurilius/Spurillius; he and three fellow soldiers were then elected tribunes of the plebs in order to protect the consul Gaius Sempronius Atratinus. [GREXv3 | Word] That is wonderfully Gricean because it raises a question about what an election means. Grice e Spurilio: De Repraesentatione MILITES. Consulem defendere volumus. (We wish to defend the consul.) POPVLVS. Tribunos vos faciemus. (We shall make you tribunes.) MILITES. Cur? (Why?) POPVLVS. Quia officium plus potest quam voluntas. (Because office can do more than goodwill.) GRICE. Aliud est aliquid velle; aliud est auctoritatem habere. (It is one thing to wish something; another to possess authority.)     The election communicates public trust and creates institutional power.   What fascinates me is that these men are supposedly chosen not simply because of who they are, but because of what they can do once invested with a new role. The office alters the communicative situation. A private citizen says:  "I support Sempronius."  A tribune says:  "I veto."  The latter is a different speech act altogether.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurilio – Ossia: Grice e Spurilio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURILIO. A close second candidate The alternative is Aulus Spurilius, the uncertain moneyer of 139 BC, whose very identity is disputed: Spurilius? Spurius? Spurinna? [GREXv3 | Word] That would yield a delightful philological vignette: NVMISMATISTA. Cuius nomen est? (Whose name is this?) EDITOR. Nescimus. (We do not know.) GRICE. Antequam quid significet quaeramus, scire debemus quid legatur. (Before asking what it means, we must know what it reads.) A very nice lesson in reference preceding interpretation.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurilio – Ossia: Grice e Spurilio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURILIO. An even more Speranzian possibility I confess that I am also tempted by the etymological origin of the gens. The article notes that Spurilius derives from the praenomen Spurius, a name later affected by association with the adjective spurius ("illegitimate"). [GREXv3 | Word] That creates a perfect Gricean puzzle:  How can a word continue as a proper name after acquiring an unfortunate common meaning?  SPVRIVS. Nomen meum est. (It is my name.) AUDITOR. Sed verbum aliud significat. (But the word means something else.) SPVRIVS. Nomen non semper describit. (A name does not always describe.) A classic distinction between reference and description. Dry Speranzian formula  The Spellii hide information in names; the Spurilii hide problems of naming itself. "Spurius" is both a personal name and a common word. Grice would insist that to know what a word means is not yet to know whom it refers to. Roman onomastics repeatedly teaches that lesson. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurinio – Ossia: Grice e Spurinio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURINIO The gens Spurinnia was a minor plebeian family of Etruscan descent at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens are mentioned by ancient writers, of whom the most prominent was the haruspex Spurinna, who warned Caesar of danger in the month leading to his assassination, but was disbelieved. Other Spurinnae are known from inscriptions, at least two referring to persons who held the praetorship, or chief magistracy, of Tarquinii at some remote period, and commemorating their military achievements.[1]  Origin The nomen Spurinna belongs to a class of gentilicia of Etruscan origin, readily distinguished by the suffix -inna, characteristic of Etruscan nomina.[2] The inscriptions of this gens, mostly belonging to the imperial era, and all of which come from either Rome or Etruria, demonstrate that the feminine form was Spurinnia. As a cognomen, Spurinna appears in the Vestricia gens, the members of which gained considerable fame from the time of Caesar to that of Trajan, but the majority of epigraphic occurrences are as a nomen gentilicium.[1][3]  Praenomina The early inscriptions of the Spurinnae include the Etruscan praenomina Lars and Velthur, along with Aulus, a name common to both the Latins and Etruscans. Later epigraphy provides examples of Lucius, Publius, and Quintus, three of the most common names throughout Roman history.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Lars Spurinna, father of Velthur Spurinna, the praetor of Tarquinii, and perhaps the grandfather of Aulus Spurinna, also praetor of Tarquinii.[4] Velthur Spurinna La. f., twice praetor of Tarquinii, according to a marble inscription, twice led armies overseas, including one that was victorious in Sicily. He might be the father of Aulus Spurinna, also praetor of Tarquinii, whose father was named Velthur.[4] Aulus Spurinna Vth. f., thrice praetor of Tarquinii, according to an inscription stating that he drove out the king of Caere, defeated Arretium, and occupied nine fortresses of the Latins.[4] Spurinna, a young man of great beauty, who was much desired by noblewomen, and supposedly marred his own face in order to abate their desire, and allay the jealousy of their husbands and the wrath of their fathers. He must have lived no later than the fourth century BC, as Valerius Maximus states that this occurred before Roman citizenship was extended to the Etruscans.[5][1] Publius Spurinna, named in a sepulchral inscription from Tarquinii in Etruria, dating from the third quarter of the second century BC.[6] Spurinna,[i] a haruspex, warned Caesar that he would be in mortal peril for the month leading up to the Ides of March, 44 BC. When they chanced to meet on the morning of the fateful day, Caesar noted that the Ides had come, to which Spurinna replied that the day was not yet past.[7][8][9][10][3][1] Spurinnia Longa, buried at Tarquinii in Etruria, aged seventy-five, in a tomb dating from the third quarter of the first century BC.[11] Spurinnia L. f. Thannia, buried at Tarquinii, aged ninety-four, in a tomb dating from the third quarter of the first century BC.[12] Spurinnia P. l. Eleutheris, a freedwoman buried at Rome during the first century.[13] Spurinnia Nice Torquatiana, the nurse of Titus Julius Antigonus, buried at Rome during the middle part of the first century, in a tomb dedicated by Antigonus and his brother-in-law, Primigenius, the slave of Lucius Volusius Saturninus, for Spurinnia and Charis, the wife of Primigenius.[14] Quintus Spurinna Q. f. Quintianus, an eques from Laurentum in Latium, was one of the municipal duumvirs at Arretium in Etruria during the reign of Severus Alexander, and held several other positions of trust during his public career.[15] Undated Spurinnae Spurinna Firmus, buried at Tarquinii, aged thirty.[16] Lucius Spurinna Florus, one of the quattuorviri at Volsinii in Etruria.[17] Lucius Spurinna Ɔ. l. Hilarus, a freedman buried at Rome.[18] See also List of Roman gentes Notes  Some reference sources call him Vestricius or Vestritius Spurinna, perhaps on the assumption that Spurinna was merely a hereditary cognomen of the Vestricia gens, rather than a nomen gentilicium.[3] However, Valerius Maximus and Suetonius, the only Roman writers who name him, call him simply Spurinna. References  Friedrich Münzer, "Spurinna", in Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft, second series, vol. 3, half-volume 6 (1929), col. 1888.  Chase, pp. 117, 118.  William Smith, "Vestritius Spurinna", in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, pp. 897, 898.  Torelli, Elogia Tarquiniensia.  Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium, iv. 5. ext. 1.  AE 2010, 461.  Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium, viii. 11. § 2.  Suetonius, "The Life of Caesar", 81.  Plutarch, "The Life of Caesar", 63.  Cassius Dio, Roman History, xliv. 17, 18.  CIL XI, 3488.  CIL XI, 3489.  CIL VI, 26709.  CIL VI, 7290.  CIL XI, 1847  CIL XI, 3514.  CIL XI, 7301.  CIL VI, 26708. Bibliography Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium (Memorable Facts and Sayings). Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus (Plutarch), Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans (Parallel Lives). Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, De Vita Caesarum (Lives of the Caesars, or The Twelve Caesars). Lucius Cassius Dio, Roman History. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). August Pauly, Georg Wissowa, et alii, Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Scientific Encyclopedia of the Knowledge of Classical Antiquities, abbreviated RE or PW), J. B. Metzler, Stuttgart (1894–1980). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Mario Torelli, Elogia Tarquiniensia, Sansoni, Florence (1975). Categories: Roman gentesRoman gentes of Etruscan origin And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurinio – Ossia: Grice e Spurinio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURINIO For the Spurinnii, the choice is easy. The first-best Grice-Speranza figure is unquestionably Spurinna, the haruspex who warned Julius Caesar before the Ides of March. The sources cited in the gens entry agree on the famous exchange: Spurinna warned Caesar of danger before the Ides; on the morning of 15 March Caesar remarked that the Ides had arrived, and Spurinna replied that they had arrived, but not yet passed. [GREXv3 | Word] This is almost a ready-made Gricean dialogue. Grice e Spurinna: De Dictis et Intellectis SPVRINNA. Periculum imminet. (Danger is approaching.) CAESAR. Idus Martiae venerunt. (The Ides of March have come.) SPVRINNA. Venerunt, non praeterierunt. (They have come, but they have not passed.) [GREXv3 | Word] The whole episode turns on a distinction Grice loved:  understanding the words is not the same thing as appreciating their significance.  Caesar understood the prediction perfectly. What he failed to grasp was its practical import.  A Gricean analysis When Spurinna says:  "The Ides have not yet passed,"  the literal content is merely temporal. But the implicature is obvious:  "You are not safe."   "The danger still exists."   "Do not conclude that the prophecy has failed."  The beauty of the anecdote is that Caesar momentarily treats the prediction as though it were exhausted by a date:  The day has arrived; therefore the warning is over.  Spurinna answers:  No. The relevant interval remains open.  That is almost a lesson in conversational implicature.  Another reason Spurinna is attractive Much Roman divination involves ambiguity. The hearer must decide:  how seriously to take the warning, how literally to interpret it, what action follows.  Grice repeatedly emphasized that communication is not merely decoding a sentence but recovering an intention. In the Caesar anecdote, the intention was clear enough. The uptake was deficient. The haruspex gives us a much deeper communicative problem.  Dry Speranzian formula  The Sinnii preserve proverbs, the Sosii preserve books, and the Spurinnii preserve warnings. Spurinna told Caesar that danger lay ahead. Caesar heard the words. The philosophical question is whether he heard what Spurinna meant. Grice would say that the failure did not occur at the level of linguistic comprehension, but at the level of practical uptake. [GREXv3 | Word]  And there is a final irony. Among all the Roman anecdotes we have discussed, this may be the purest case of:  What is said: "the Ides have not yet passed."  versus  What is meant: "run for your life."

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurinio – Ossia: Grice e Spurinio -- GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURINIO A secondary candidate The handsome Etruscan Spurinna who supposedly disfigured himself to escape the attentions of noblewomen and the jealousy of their husbands is charming, but mostly a moral exemplum. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurio – Ossia: Grice e Spurio – GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURIO The gens Spuria was a minor plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens occur in ancient writers, but many are known from inscriptions. Although at least some were of equestrian rank, and a number of Spurii held public offices in the various municipia, the most illustrious person of this name may have been Lucius Spurius Maximus, a tribune of the Vigiles at Rome during the reign of Septimius Severus.[1]  Origin The nomen Spurius is a patronymic surname derived from the praenomen Spurius, without a change in morphology.[2] The original meaning of the praenomen is unclear; it was fairly common in the early Republic, and favoured in many prominent families, but grew less abundant over time, becoming rare by imperial times, probably due to its association with the adjective spurius, meaning "illegitimate".[3] An Etruscan origin has been proposed, in which the name might have meant something akin to "city dweller", and been synonymous with the Latin praenomen Publius.[4] Although the praenomen eventually vanished into obscurity, as a gentilicium, Spurius remained common throughout the centuries of the empire.  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Spurii were Lucius and Gaius, the two most common names throughout Roman history. To a lesser degree, they used a variety of other common praenomina, including Marcus, Quintus, Aulus, and Sextus. Among the more unusual praenomina they used was the Oscan name Ovius, known from the filiation of one of the Spurii at Puteoli in Campania.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Spuria A. l., a freedwoman named in an inscription from Rome.[5] Spuria L. l., a freedwoman buried in a family sepulchre at Rome, dating to the first half of the first century, and dedicated by her son, Lucius Spurius Communis, for his mother, his brother, Lucius Spurius Picentinus, patron, Lucius Spurius Heracles, and Visena Olympia.[6] Aulus Spurius C. f., dedicated a second-century tomb at Rome for his brother, Gaius Spurius Maximus, a soldier in the Praetorian Guard.[7] Gaius Spurius, made an offering to Mercury at Boutae in Gallia Narbonensis.[8] Gaius Spurius, buried in a second century tomb at Caesarea in Mauretania Caesariensis.[9] Gnaeus Spurius Ov. f., the husband of Singullia, and father of Marcus Spurius and Gnaeus Spurius Frugi, named in an inscription from Puteoli in Campania, dating from the last quarter of the second century BC.[10] Lucius Spurius, a soldier named in an inscription from Rome, dating from AD 134.[11] Lucius Spurius, the former master of Spuria Pieris, Lucius Spurius Theophanes, and Lucius Spurius Fortunatus.[12] Marcus Spurius Cn. f. Ov. n., the son of Gnaeus Spurius and Singullia, named in a late second-century BC inscription from Puteoli.[10] Numerius Spurius D. f., named in an inscription from Capua in Campania, dating from 105 BC.[13] Sextus Spurius, made a gift of money to a shrine at Herculaneum in Campania, during the latter half of the first century BC.[14] Spuria L. l. Acte, a freedwoman buried at Ostia in Latium, in a family sepulchre built by her client, Lucius Spurius Felix.[15] Aulus Spurius Antiochus, buried at Nola in Campania, between 20 BC and AD 70.[16] Lucius Spurius L. l. Auctus, a freedman buried at Aletrium in Latium, along with Lucius Spurius Tertius, Tuccia Salvia, and Spuria Calliste.[17] Spuria Q. f. Augustina, buried at Verona in Venetia and Histria, along with her brother, Quintus Spurius Secundus, in a second-century family sepulchre built by their father, Quintus Spurius Senecio.[18] Spuria L. l. Calliste, a freedwoman buried at Aletrium, along with Lucius Spurius Tertius, Lucius Spurius Auctus, and Tuccia Salvia.[17] Spurius Campanus, dedicated a monument at Velia in Lucania to his foster-son, Lucretius, aged nine.[19] Gaius Spurius Caninus, dedicated a second- or third-century tomb at Comum in Transalpine Gaul for his wife, Isias.[20] Lucius Spurius Celer, made an offering to Silvanus at Aquileia in Venetia and Histria, during the third century, in memory of Gaius Avilius Florus, a veteran of the fifth cohort of the Praetorian Guard.[21] Gaius Spurius Cerinthus, named along with Cocceia Anth[...] in an inscription from Arretium in Etruria, dating to the latter half of the first century AD.[22] Spurius Cleopater, made an offering at the site of modern Obedinenie, formerly part of Moesia Inferior, during the second or third century.[23] Lucius Spurius L. l. Communis, a freedman who built a family sepulchre at Rome, dating to the first half of the first century, for his mother, Spuria, brother, Lucius Spurius Picentinus, patron, Lucius Spurius Heraclea, and Visena Olympia.[6] Sextus Spurius Decuminus, buried at Nemausus in Gallia Narbonensis, along with his parents, Spurius Statutus and Decumia Remulla.[24] Spurius Erugios, made an offering to Temavus at Aquileia.[25] Spuria Euplia, dedicated a tomb at Nemausus for her husband, Gaius Julius Albus.[26] Spurius Fabatus, buried in a second-century Sepulchre at Comum, along with Spurius Quintus and Aeno, the son of Aupledo.[27] Spuria Felicula, dedicated a tomb at Nemausus for her husband, Gnaeus Satrius Chresimus.[28] Lucius Spurius Felix, built a family sepulchre at Ostia for himself, his patron, Spuria Acte, his wife, Spuria Pieris, daughters, Spuria Primilla and Spuria Secundilla, along with another Lucius Spurius Felix, either his son or freedman, Spuria Sabbatis, and Satria Sabina.[15] Lucius Spurius L. Ɔ. l. Felix, a freedman buried in a family sepulchre at Ostia, built by another Lucius Spurius Felix, either his father or former master.[15] Spuria Firmina, buried at Brixellum in Cisalpine Gaul, aged eight years, five months, and fifteen days, in a second-century tomb dedicated by Quintus Cassius Elpidephorus, one of the Seviri Augustales, and perhaps Spuria's father, and his brother, Mettelus Restutus.[29] Gaius Spurius Firmus, a little boy buried at Rome, aged four years, two months, in a tomb dedicated by his parents.[30] Gaius Spurius Fortunalis, dedicated a tomb at Emerita in Lusitania for his son, Gaius Spurius Peregrinus.[31] Lucius Spurius L. l. Fortunatus, a freedman, and one of the Seviri Augustales at Ostia, along with Decimus Calpurnius Primigenius and Lucius Spurius Theophanes, together with whom he dedicated a first-century tomb for Spuria Pieris.[12] Gnaeus Spurius Cn. f. Ov. n. Frugi, the son of Gnaeus Spurius and Singullia, named in a late second-century BC inscription from Puteoli.[10] Titus Spurius Gratinus, buried at Ucetia in Gallia Narbonensis, in a tomb dedicated by his client, Titus Spurius Vitalis.[32] Lucius Spurius L. l. Heracles, a freedman buried in a family sepulchre at Rome, dating to the first half of the first century, and dedicated by his client, Lucius Spurius Communis, for his mother, Spuria, brother, Lucius Spurius Picentinus, his patron, and Visena Olympia.[6] Spuria Jucunda, buried at Mediolanum, in a tomb dedicated by her husband, Gaius Tertullienius Maximus, dating between AD 50 and 200.[33] Spuria Sex. l. Lesbia, a freedwoman mentioned in an inscription from Rome, dating to the late first century BC, or early first century AD.[34] Spurius Macer, named in an inscription from Pompeii in Campania.[35] Spuria Materna, buried at Comum between the first and third century, with a monument dedicated by her son-in-law, Aelius Alexander, and children Maternus, Secundiena, and Fortunatus.[36] Marcus Spurius Mesor, named in an inscription from Pompeii.[37] Gaius Spurius C. f. Maximus, a native of Florentia in Etruria, was a soldier in the second cohort of the Praetorian Guard, serving in the century of Ebulius Justus. He was buried in a second-century tomb at Rome, aged thirty-six years, having served for sixteen years, with a monument from his brother, Aulus Spurius.[7] Lucius Spurius Maximus, tribune of the fourth cohort of the vigiles at Rome, according to an inscription dating between AD 198 and 205, during the reign of Septimius Severus. He is probably the same person as the eques Spurius Maximus whose name was found on a lead water pipe at Rome.[38][1][39] Gaius Spurius Niger, built a tomb at Mediolanum in Cisalpine Gaul, dating to the early or middle first century, for himself and Licinia Acumis.[40] Gaius Spurius C. f. Peregrinus, buried at Emerita, aged thirty-four years, seven months, and one day, in a tomb dedicated by his father, Gaius Spurius Fortunalis.[31] Lucius Spurius L. l. Picentinus, a freedman buried in a family sepulchre at Rome, dating from the first half of the first century, and dedicated by his brother, Lucius Spurius Communis, for his brother, his mother, Spuria, patron, Lucius Spurius Heracles, and Visena Olympia.[6] Spuria L. l. Pieris, a freedwoman buried at Ostia, in a tomb dedicated by the Seviri Augustales Decimus Calpurnius Primigenius, Lucius Spurius Theophanes, and Lucius Spurius Fortunatus.[12] Spuria L. l. Pieris, a freedwoman buried at Ostia, in a family sepulchre built by her husband, Lucius Spurius Felix, along with their patron, Spuria Acte, daughters, Spuria Primilla and Spuria Secundilla, another Lucius Spurius Felix, either a son or freedman, and Spuria Sabbatis.[15] Sextus Spurius Piperolus, an aerarius, or coppersmith, who dedicated a tomb at Nemausus for himself and his wife, Secunda.[41] Spuria L. l. Primilla, a freedwoman buried in a family sepulchre built by her father, Lucius Spurius Felix, at Ostia, along with her mother, Spuria Pieris, sister, Spuria Secundilla, and others.[15] Quintus Spurius Primulus, dedicated a tomb at Nemausus for his wife, whose name has not been preserved.[42] Spurius Quintus, buried in a second century tomb at Comum, along with Spurius Fabatus and Aeno, the son of Aupledo.[27] Lucius Spurius Restitutus, made an offering to Hercules at Siscia in Pannonia Superior, dating to the second century, or the early part of the third.[43] Marcus Spurius M. f. Rufus, one of the municipal duumviri at Herculaneum, between 40 and 20 BC.[44] Spuria L. Ɔ. l. Sabbatis, a freedwoman buried in a family sepulchre at Ostia, built by Lucius Spurius Felix.[15] Spurius Salu, made an offering to Mercury at Mediolanum during the third century.[45] Gaius Spurius Saturninus, buried at Mediolanum between AD 50 and 200.[46] Spuria Secunda, buried at Ticinum in Cisalpine Gaul, along with her husband, Lucius Salvius, and son, Lucius Salvius Secundus, in a first-century tomb dedicated by her son, Lucius Salvius Niger.[47] Spuria L. l. Secundilla, a freedwoman buried in a family sepulchre at Ostia, built by her father, Lucius Spurius Felix.[15] Marcus Spurius Secundus, buried at Rome, with a monument from his wife, Caelia Festa.[48] Marcus Spurius Secundus, dedicated a monument at the present site of Bouzid Ben Aleya, formerly part of Africa Proconsularis, to his wife, Livia Laetina, aged forty-two.[49] Quintus Spurius Q. f. Secundus, buried at Verona, along with his sister, Spuria Augustina, in a second-century family sepulchre built by their father, Quintus Spurius Senecio.[18] Quintus Spurius Senecio, built a second-century family sepulchre at Verona for himself and his children, Quintus Spurius Secundus and Spuria Augustina.[18] Lucius Spurius Severianus, a soldier in the fifth cohort of the vigiles at Rome, serving in the century of Caesernius Senecio, in AD 210.[50] Spurius Severus, built a sepulchre at Arausio in Gallia Narbonensis.[51] Gaius Spurius Silvanus, a centurion in the Legio X Gemina, together with Valeria Digna, made an offering to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus at Carnuntum in Pannonia Superior, between AD 180 and 191.[52] Spurius Statutus, buried at Nemausus, along with his wife, Decumia Remulla, and their son, Sextus Spurius Decuminus.[24] Spurius Suruco, made an offering to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Juno Regina at Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior, during the latter half of the second century.[53] Lucius Spurius L. l. Tertius, a freedman buried at Aletrium, along with Lucius Spurius Auctus, Tuccia Salvia, and Spuria Calliste.[17] Lucius Spurius L. l. Theophanes, a freedman, and one of the Seviri Augustales at Ostia, along with Decimus Calpurnius Primigenius and Lucius Spurius Fortunatus, together with whom he dedicated a first-century tomb for Spuria Pieris.[12] Gaius Spurius Valens, one of the Seviri Augustales at Mediolanum, buried in a first-century family sepulchre, built by Titus Pomponius Valentinus, probably a close relative.[54] Lucius Spurius Valens, named in a late second-century inscription from Aquileia.[55] Spurius Valentinus, named in a third-century inscription from Comum.[56] Titus Spurius Vitalis, dedicated a tomb at Ucetia for his patron, Titus Spurius Gratinus.[32] See also List of Roman gentes References  PW, Spurius 3.  Chase, p. 131.  Chase, p. 153.  Deecke, "Der Dativ Larθiale", p. 43.  CIL VI, 8358.  CIL VI, 26711.  CIL VI, 2476.  CIL XII, 2529.  AE 1985, 941.  CIL I, 3130.  Giacobelli, Gli dèi propizi, p. 418.  CIL XIV, 420.  CIL I, 2947.  AE 1980, 248.  AE 1987, 181.  CIL X, 1329.  AE 1998, 315.  AE 1987, 452.  EE, viii. 1, 284.  AE 2003, 757.  CIL V, 825.  CIL XI, 1890.  AE 1935, 75  CIL XII, 3927.  AE 2002, 520.  CIL XII, 3346.  CIL V, 5342.  CIL XII, 3874.  CIL XI, 1025.  CIL VI, 26710.  AE 1997, 780.  CIL XII, 2956.  Seletti, Marmi iscritti, 241.  CIL VI, 6809.  CIL IV, 1397.  AE 2005, 647.  CIL X, 879.  CIL VI, 643.  PIR, S. 583.  CIL V, 6096.  CIL XII, 3333.  CIL XII, 5941.  CIL III, 10837.  CIL X, 1457.  CIL V, 5494.  CIL V, 6097.  CIL V, 6450.  CIL VI, 26712.  AE 2000, 1656.  CIL VI, 1057.  CIL XII, 1266.  CIL III, 11134.  CIL III, 11003.  CIL V, 5883.  CIL V, 1052.  Pais, Supplementa Italica, 799. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Wilhelm Henzen, Ephemeris Epigraphica: Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementum (Journal of Inscriptions: Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, abbreviated EE), Institute of Roman Archaeology, Rome (1872–1913). Wilhelm Deecke, "Der Dativ Larθiale und der Stammerweiterung auf -ali" ("The Dative Larθiale and the Extension of Stems with -ali"), in Etruskische Forschungen und Studien (Etruscan Research and Studies), Albert Heitz, Stuttgart, vol. II (1882). Ettore Pais, Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementa Italica (Italian Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum), Rome (1884). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). August Pauly, Georg Wissowa, et alii, Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Scientific Encyclopedia of the Knowledge of Classical Antiquities, abbreviated RE or PW), J. B. Metzler, Stuttgart (1894–1980). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Emilio Seletti, Marmi iscritti del Museo Archeologico (Marble Inscriptions in the Archaeological Museum), Mailand (1901). Marta Giacobelli, in Gli dèi propizi: La Basilica Hilariana nel contesto dello scavo dell'Ospedale Militare del Celio (1987–2000) (The Propitious Gods: The Basilica Hilariana in the Context of the Excavation of the Celio Military Hospital, 1987–2000), Paola Palazzo & Carlo Pavolini, eds., pp. 418, 419, Rome (2013). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurio – Ossia: Grice e Spurio – GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURIO For the Spurii, I would resist the temptation to choose the tribune of the vigiles or one of the municipal magistrates. The most Gricean figure is actually the gens itself, because its nomen is a philosophical problem. The entry explicitly notes that Spurius was originally a praenomen but became increasingly rare because it was associated with the adjective spurius, meaning "illegitimate." [GREXv3 | Word] That is almost tailor-made for Grice. Grice e Spurio: De Nomine et Significatione SPVRIVS. Spurius vocor. (I am called Spurius.) INTERROGATOR. Ergo illegitimus es? (Then you are illegitimate?) SPVRIVS. Minime. Nomen est. (Not at all. It is a name.) INTERROGATOR. Sed idem verbum aliter significat. (But the same word has another meaning.) SPVRIVS. Aliud est appellare, aliud describere. (It is one thing to name, another to describe.) GRICE. Optime. (Exactly.)     Reference is not description.   This is almost a textbook case of a distinction Grice repeatedly cared about. A proper name may have the same form as an ordinary descriptive word. But when I say:  "Spurius arrived,"  I am not saying:  "An illegitimate person arrived."  The word functions differently. The Roman embarrassment arose because hearers increasingly noticed the descriptive association and allowed it to contaminate the name. [GREXv3 | Word]  A stronger Gricean angle The entry also notes the proposal that the original name may have had an Etruscan origin and perhaps meant something like Publius, "citizen" or "city-dweller." [GREXv3 | Word] If so, one gets a remarkable semantic drift:                      StageMeaningOriginal personal nameneutral or honorableLatin adjective spuriusillegitimateLater reactionavoidance of the praenomen The meaning people associated with the form eventually affected behavior. That is not semantics alone. It is social pragmatics. Dry Speranzian formula  The Spurilii teach Grice that a name can be mistaken for a description. The Spurii teach him the converse: a description can corrupt a name. "Spurius" began as a personal name and ended by sounding like a social judgment. Grice would insist that the hearer must not confuse what a word happens to suggest with what the speaker is referring to. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Spurio – Ossia: Grice e Spurio – GREX griceiana – verbalia: SPURIO A second candidate If one insists upon a concrete individual, I would choose Lucius Spurius Maximus, tribune of the fourth cohort of the vigiles under Septimius Severus. The gens entry identifies him as probably the most illustrious Spurius of imperial times. [GREXv3 | Word] But philosophically he is less interesting than the name Spurius itself.