Catalogue Raisonné of J. L.
Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I
Verbali: Tro
Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P.
Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Troilo – Ossia: Grice e
Troilo: la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale della
conflagrazione. Note su Il pensiero moderno. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H.
P. Grice Erminio Troilo (Perano, Chieti, Abruzzo): Institutionally, Erminio
Troilo is much closer to H. P. Grice than many of the figures you have been
comparing, because both are recognisably university philosophers; but they
still belong to very different academic ecologies. The secure biographical
record shows that Erminio Troilo was born at Perano in 1874, later became
libero docente of filosofia teoretica in Rome, then professor first at Palermo
and then at Padua, and was eventually elected a national member of the
Accademia dei Lincei. The main reference sources describe Erminio Troilo as
professor of theoretical philosophy at Palermo from 1915 and at Padua from
1920, moving from Ardigò’s positivism toward a metaphysical position he called
realismo assoluto. [it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it], [istitutoveneto.it],
[lincei.it] So the clean institutional contrast is this. Grice belongs to the
tutorial-collegiate and university-faculty world of Oxford. Erminio Troilo
belongs to the public-professorial and chair-based world of the Italian
university-state system, especially Palermo and Padua. [it.wikipedia.org],
[treccani.it], [istitutoveneto.it] That institutional difference fits your
philosophical comparison very well. Grice works at the micro-level of rational
communication: how a hearer gets from what is said to what is meant by
recognising intentions and inferring implicatures under shared conversational
norms. Troilo, by contrast, works at the macro-level of metaphysical system and
world-explanation. The standard sources say that after beginning from Ardigò’s
positivism he arrived at a metaphysical outlook he himself called realismo
assoluto, one that recalls Bruno and Spinoza and treats eternal infinite being
as the unifying principle of all relative beings. That is a very different
sense of “reason” from Grice’s. In Troilo, reason is not primarily a set of
publicly reconstructible constraints on talk. It is the architectonic power
that claims to explain the relation between the absolute, the relative, spirit,
history, and reality. [it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it], [istitutoveneto.it],
[centrostor...a.unipd.it] So the sharpest formulation is this. Grice explains
how rational interlocutors coordinate meaning in a local exchange. Troilo
explains how theoretical reason claims to coordinate reality in a total
philosophical vision. [it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it] That is why your own
phrase “conflagrazione conversazionale” should be handled as a retrospective,
Grice-coloured gloss rather than as Troilo’s explicit doctrine. What is
securely attested is not a theory of dialogue as creative combustion, but a
metaphysical and historical-philosophical project centred on realismo assoluto,
Bruno, Spinoza, and the relation between positivism and spiritual or
metaphysical claims. The title La conflagrazione is real and important, but it
belongs to his wartime or spiritual-historical reflections, not to a Gricean
pragmatics of conversation. The detailed Perano/Padova biographical notice
explicitly records La conflagrazione. Indagini sulla storia dello spirito
contemporaneo (1918) and situates it in the larger transition from positivism
toward realismo assoluto. [sondrioissrec.it], [centrostor...a.unipd.it] There
are two corrections worth making. First, your heading says “Perano, Chieti,
Abruzzo,” which is correct, but one of the encyclopedia snippets in the tool
outputs gives “Archi” instead of Perano. The more detailed biographical sources
and the Padua and Istituto Veneto materials clearly say Perano, so that is the
safer form to keep. [sondrioissrec.it], [istitutoveneto.it],
[beweb.chie...ttolica.it] Second, the bibliographic line “Troilo, Erminio
(1895). Contributo. Il pensiero moderno. Roma” is too weak as it stands. What
is safely attested is that he founded and directed Il pensiero moderno in the
1890s and that La conflagrazione appeared in 1918. If you want a
secure doctrinal anchor, the best titles are La filosofia di Giordano Bruno, Il
positivismo e i diritti dello spirito, Lo spirito della filosofia, and Realismo
assoluto. The main reference sources list La filosofia di G. Bruno, Il
positivismo e i diritti dello spirito, Figure e studi di storia della
filosofia, Lo spirito della filosofia, and Realismo assoluto as the secure
major works. [treccani.it], [it.wikipedia.org] So the short clean
answer is: H. P. Grice was an Oxford don in the precise collegiate sense, both
Fellow and Tutor in philosophy at St John’s and CUF University Lecturer in
philosophy at Oxford. Erminio Troilo, by contrast, was an Italian professor of
theoretical philosophy, formed first under Ardigò and later moving toward the
metaphysical system he called realismo assoluto, teaching at Palermo and then
Padua and entering the Lincei. Institutionally, Grice belongs to the tutorial-collegiate
world; Troilo to the public-professorial and chair-based world of the Italian
university-state system. Philosophically, the contrast is equally clear: Grice
analyses the inferential micro-mechanics of speaker-meaning and implicature, whereas
Troilo exemplifies a macro-synthetic rationality in which thought seeks to
integrate science, spirit, history, and being into one unifying metaphysical
scheme. [it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it], [istitutoveneto.it], [lincei.it] And
if I compress it into one line: Grice theorises reason in conversation; Troilo
theorises reason as total metaphysical synthesis. [treccani.it],
[it.wikipedia.org] If you want, I can now give you a tighter one-paragraph
entry in your preferred style, using La conflagrazione only as a secondary
colour and making realismo assoluto the real doctrinal centre.la ragione
conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale della conflagrazione – Grice’s theory of reason-governed conversational
meaning treats implicature as a calculable, normatively constrained by-product
of cooperative rational agency: speakers are presumed to pursue mutually
recognized conversational ends (with something like a Cooperative Principle and
associated maxims), so hearers infer what is meant beyond what is said by
reconstructing a rational route from the utterance to an intended,
context-fitting point. Troilo, by contrast, as he is presented in the “Grice
italo” framing, redescribes the engine of implicit meaning less as rule-guided
optimization and more as conflagrazione: a metaphysically charged ignition in
which interlocutors are transformed through an intensifying encounter, with
“ragione conversazionale” functioning not merely as compliance with
conversational norms but as a creative, quasi-ontological event (aligned, in
that portrait, with his “realismo assoluto” and with Bruno/Spinoza-style talk
of immanence and spirit). On this view, what Grice analyzes as the rationally
reconstructible inference from saying to meaning becomes, for Troilo, a moment
of philosophical combustion in which implicature marks not just an extra layer
of communicated content but the flare-point where shared reality is made and
remade between speakers; Grice foregrounds auditability (how an implicature is
warranted by recognizable principles of talk), whereas Troilo foregrounds
transformative force (how the encounter itself “takes fire” and changes the
participants), making Troilo’s “conversational reason” look less like a logic
of conversational accountability and more like a metaphysics of dialogic
becoming. -- conflagrazione. The phrase ‘Grice italo’ is meant as provocative.
An Old-World philosopher such as Turoldo would never have imagined to be
compared to a tutor at a varsity in one of the British Isles, but there you
are! It is meant as a geo-political reminder, too. Many Italian philosophers
have been educated in a tradition that would make little sense of T. as a
‘Grice italo,’ but there you are. My note is meant as a tribute to both
philosophers. Grice has been deemed an extremely original philosopher, and by
Oxford canons he certainly was. He was the primus inter pares at the Play
Group, the epitome of ordinary-language philosophy throughout most of the
twentieth century. His heritage remains. T.’s place in the history of
philosophy is other. But there are connections, and here they are. Keywords:
Telesio, Quattromani, Alighieri, Cento. O Archi. Filosofo.
M. Padova, prof. di filosofia teoretica nelle univ. di Palermo e di Padova.
Socio nazionale dei Lincei. Partito dal positivismo del suo maestro Ardigò,
pervenne a una sorta di metafisica, da lui chiamata realismo assoluto, che
richiama il panteismo di Bruno e di Spinoza. Opere principali: La filosofia di
Bruno; Il positivismo e i diritti dello spirito; Figure e studi di storia della
filosofia; Lo spirito della filosofia; Realismo assoluto. Insegna a Palermo e
Padova. Lincei. Partito dal positivismo del suo tutore ARDIGÒ, pervenne a una
sorta di meta-fisica, da lui chiamata realismo assoluto, che richiama il
panteismo di BRUNO (vedi). L'essere eterno infinito, tutt'uno con lo spirito
assoluto, è il presupposto e il principio unificatore degl’esseri relativi.
Trascendente e indeterminato, l'essere si immanentizza e si determina nella
realtà e negl’individui, oggettivandosi di fronte ai soggetti come
assolutamente altro da questi. conflagrazione, Bruno, Telesio,
realismo assoluto, storia della filosofia, Alighieri, Cento, Quattromani. Grice: Professore Troilo, non posso fare a
meno di notare quanto sia intrigante la sua idea di "conflagrazione
conversazionale". Potrebbe spiegarmi cosa intende esattamente con questo
concetto? Sembra quasi una scintilla che dà vita al dialogo! Troilo: Caro
Grice, la sua intuizione è acuta. Per me, la conflagrazione conversazionale
rappresenta quel momento in cui il confronto di idee si infiamma, non
distruttivamente, ma come un incendio creativo che trasforma entrambi gli
interlocutori. È un po’ come nell’universo di Bruno o di Spinoza: la realtà si
accende di senso quando lo spirito si mette in gioco nel dialogo. Grice: Trovo
affascinante questo parallelismo con Bruno e Spinoza. Dunque, la conversazione,
nella sua visione, non è solo trasmissione, ma anche trasformazione reciproca,
quasi una fusione di prospettive che produce qualcosa di nuovo e inaspettato.
Troilo: Esattamente! Nel mio "realismo assoluto", la conflagrazione
conversazionale è il presupposto per ogni crescita filosofica. Solo accettando
di esporsi all’altro, anche a rischio di essere messi in discussione, possiamo
accedere a una realtà più profonda e condivisa. È così che la filosofia,
secondo me, prende davvero fuoco. Troilo, Erminio (1895). Contributo. Il
pensiero moderno. Roma
Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P.
Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tronti – Ossia: Grice e
Tronti: la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale degli
spiriti liberi. Note su Operai e capitale. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P.
Grice Mario Tronti (Roma, Lazio): Institutionally, Mario Tronti is much closer
to H. P. Grice than many of the figures you have been discussing, because both
are recognisably university philosophers; but they still belong to very
different academic and political ecologies. Mario Tronti was born in Rome in
1931, studied philosophy at Sapienza University of Rome, later taught for
decades at the University of Siena, and combined academic work with direct
party-political, editorial, and parliamentary activity. He helped found
Quaderni Rossi, broke away to found and direct Classe operaia, later
coordinated Laboratorio politico, sat in the Senate, and led the Fondazione CRS
(Centro per la Riforma dello Stato). [it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it],
[patrimonio....senato.it], [senatoripd.it] So the clean institutional contrast
is this. Grice was an Oxford don in the strict collegiate sense: Fellow and
Tutor in philosophy at St John’s, plus CUF University Lecturer in philosophy at
Oxford. Tronti, by contrast, belongs to the Italian university-state and
political-public world: public university teaching, journals, party culture,
parliamentary life, and intellectual institutions of the left. Institutionally,
Grice belongs to the tutorial-collegiate and university-faculty world; Tronti
to the public-professorial, editorial, and political world. [it.wikipedia.org],
[treccani.it], [patrimonio....senato.it], [senatoripd.it] That institutional
difference fits your philosophical comparison rather well. Grice works at the
micro-level of rational communication: how a hearer gets from what is said to
what is meant by recognising intention and inferring implicature under shared
conversational norms. Tronti, by contrast, works at the macro-level of
strategy, antagonism, and political composition. The secure sources describe
Operai e capitale as the decisive 1966 synthesis of operaismo, introducing and
consolidating terms such as “class composition,” “mass worker,” “the plan of
capital,” workers’ inquiry, and the strategic centrality of working-class
subjectivity. In that field, what matters is not primarily how a speaker in an
ordinary exchange implies more than he explicitly says, but how political
speech, organization, and action derive force from structural position and
antagonistic relation. [treccani.it], [books.google.com], [libcom.org], [Operai
e c...ale | SEPS] So the sharpest formulation is this. Grice explains how
rational interlocutors coordinate meaning in a local exchange. Tronti explains
how collective actors coordinate struggle, position, and language in a
political field structured by class antagonism. [it.wikipedia.org],
[treccani.it], [books.google.com] That is why your analogy with
“macro-implicature” is actually very good, provided it remains an analogy. In
Grice, implicature is an individual-level phenomenon: a disciplined inferential
surplus licensed by cooperative norms. In Tronti, the relevant “unsaid” lies
less in what a single speaker intends a hearer to recover and more in what
political speech acts presuppose and reproduce: organization, command,
mediation, antagonism, the hidden alignment between party language and class
position. In that sense, Tronti’s discourse is not about maxims like Quantity
or Relation, but about the structural logic by which political utterance
becomes an instrument of class strategy. [it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it],
[libcom.org] There is one factual correction worth making. Your note says he
“teaches at Siena Philosophy of Morals and then Political Philosophy,” which is
broadly right, but the strongest source with institutional detail also notes
that he first taught history and philosophy at a liceo in Terni before moving
to Siena and that his formal rank trajectory included libera docenza and then
the Siena appointment. The Senate archive profile for Mario Tronti gives that
fuller progression. [patrimonio....senato.it] So the short clean answer is: H.
P. Grice was an Oxford don in the precise collegiate sense, both Fellow and
Tutor in philosophy at St John’s and CUF University Lecturer in philosophy at
Oxford. Mario Tronti, by contrast, was an Italian philosopher and political
intellectual, formed at Sapienza University of Rome, later teaching at the
University of Siena, and centrally involved in journals, party politics, and
parliamentary life. Institutionally, Grice belongs to the tutorial-collegiate
world; Tronti to the university-state and political-public world.
Philosophically, the contrast is equally clear: Grice analyses the inferential
micro-mechanics of speaker-meaning and implicature, whereas Tronti develops a
strategic-political rationality in which the force of language depends on class
composition, organization, and antagonism rather than on conversational
cooperation. [it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it], [books.google.com], [patrimonio....senato.it]
And if I compress it into one line: Grice theorises how speakers imply; Tronti
theorises how political actors position themselves through speech.
[it.wikipedia.org], [treccani.it] If you want, I can now give you a tighter
one-paragraph entry in your preferred style, or a short note specifically on
the analogy between conversational implicature and the unspoken strategic
content of political discourse in Operai e capitale.la ragione conversazionale
e l’implicatura conversazionale degli spiriti liberi –democrazia -- Grice’s
theory of reason-governed conversational meaning explains how what is meant
outruns what is said via rational, publicly reconstructible inference under the
Cooperative Principle and its maxims: when a speaker appears under-informative,
oddly relevant, or stylistically marked, the hearer can calculate an
implicature by assuming the speaker remains (in a qualified way) cooperative
and rational. Tronti’s work (above all Operai e capitale, 1966) is
“reason-governed” in a quite different register: its governing rationality is
strategic and political rather than micro-pragmatic—an analysis of class
relations and the “piano del capitale,” in which concepts like composizione di
classe, operaio-massa, inchiesta/conricerca, and the strategy of refusal
organize how collective actors read a situation and act within it. The nearest
point of contact is that both make meaning dependent on practices and norms
rather than on sentence-content alone: Grice models how interlocutors, inside a
talk-exchange, infer what a move commits one to beyond its literal semantics;
Tronti models how political language and action take their force from position,
conflict, and organization—what is “said” in democratic discourse often
functioning as a surface behind which the real content is strategic alignment,
mediation, or control. Thus, where Grice treats implicature as an
individual-level, intention-and-inference phenomenon constrained by
conversational rationality, a Trontian “implicature” (if one dares the analogy)
is macro-level: the unspoken commitments and power-relations that political
speech acts presuppose and reproduce, intelligible less by maxims like Quantity
or Relation than by the structural logic of class antagonism and the autonomy
(and limits) of “il politico.” Filosofo italiano. Filosofo e uomo
politico italiano –Considerato uno dei fondatori dell’operaismo teorico, le cui
idee si trovano riassunte nel saggio “Operai e capitale,” insegna a Siena
Filosofia morale e poi Filosofia politica. Militante del Partito comunista
italiano, si è dedicato anche alla pubblicistica: è stato tra i
fondatori delle riviste Quaderni Rossi, Classe operaia, di cui è stato anche
direttore, e Laboratorio politico. È stato eletto in Senato nelle fila del
Partito democratico della sinistra e nelle fila del Partito democratico. -- è
stato presidente della Fondazione Centro per la Riforma dello Stato - Archivio
Pietro Ingrao. Tra le sue pubblicazioni si ricordano: Noi operaisti, Per la
critica del presente, Dello spirito libero. Frammenti di vita e di pensiero, Il
popolo perduto. Per una critica della sinistra -- con A. Bianchi --, La
saggezza della lotta. Considerato uno dei principali fondatori ed esponenti del
marxismo operaista teorico. Insegna a Siena, vive a Roma. Fonda “Quaderni
Rossi” e “Classe operaia”. Anima l'esperienza radicale dell'operaismo. Tale
esperienza, che va considerata per molti versi la matrice della sinistra, si
caratterizza per il fatto di mettere in discussione le organizzazioni del
movimento operaio -- partito e sindacato -- e di collegarsi direttamente, senza
intermediazioni, alla classe in sé e alle lotte di fabbrica. Influenzato
da VOLPE (vedi), s’allontana di GRMASCI, o almeno dalla sua versione ufficiale
promossa dal PCI togliattiano. Ri-apre la strada rivoluzionaria. Di fronte
all'irruzione dell'operaio-massa sulla scena delle società, il suo operaismo
propone un'analisi delle relazioni di classe. Mette l'accento sul fattore
inter-soggettivo. La sua filosofia, debitrice anche all’’Operaio” di Jünger,
trova una sistemazione con la pubblicazione di “Operai e capitale” (Einaudi,
Torino), L’implicatura di Hobbes, libero spirito, democrazia. Grice: Caro Tronti, permetta una battuta da
buon letteralista: “spiriti liberi”? Ma insomma, qui si rischia l’ossimoro! In
conversazione mi aspetterei piuttosto un “corpo libero” – almeno quello si può
sedere a tavola e ordinare una pizza. Lo spirito, poveretto, come fa? E poi,
modestamente, parlo anche il dialetto del Lizio! Tronti: Ah, Grice, ma la questione è sottile!
Sa, lo “spirito libero” non ha bisogno né di sedie né di posate: si insinua tra
una battuta e l’altra, sorseggiando idee come fossero buon vino di Ferentillo.
E poi, guardi che il corpo, senza un po’ di spirito, rischia solo di fare
tappezzeria! Grice: Vero, ma abbia
pazienza, Tronti: quando sento parlare di spiriti liberi temo sempre che
prendano il volo proprio sul più bello della discussione. Preferisco i filosofi
con i piedi per terra… O almeno che il loro spirito lasci le tracce sul
parquet! Tronti: E invece, Grice, la
bellezza è proprio qui: lo “spirito libero” si libra, ma poi torna, magari
travestito da operaio, pronto a ribaltare la tavola. In fondo, la vera
democrazia conversazionale sta nel far parlare anche gli spiriti – purché,
s’intende, paghino il conto a fine serata! Tronti, Mario (1966). Operai e
capitale, Torino: Einaudi.


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