SCRI

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Scri

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Scribonio – Ossia: Grice e Scribonio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Scribonio The gens Scribonia was a plebeian family of ancient Rome. Members of this gens first appear in history at the time of the Second Punic War, but the first of the Scribonii to obtain the consulship was Gaius Scribonius Curio in 76 BC.[1]  Origin The nomen Scribonius belongs to a large class of gentilicia derived from cognomina ending in -o, most of which were of plebeian origin. The root of the name is scribo, a writer.[2]  Praenomina The only praenomina known to have been used by the main families of the Scribonii are Lucius, used by the Scribonii Libones, and Gaius, used by the Curiones. Other praenomina are practically non-existent among the Scribonii appearing in history; the only exception is Marcus, found among one or two of the later Libones, who seem to have adopted it from the Livii.  Branches and cognomina The two main families of the Scribonii under the Republic bore the cognomina Libo and Curio. Other surnames are found under the Empire.[1]  Libo, the only surname of the Scribonii to occur on coins, is apparently derived from libere, to sprinkle or pour, and was probably given to an ancestor of the family who poured libations.[3] The Scribonii Libones were long associated with a sacred structure in the forum known as the Pueal Scribonianum or Puteal Libonis, frequently depicted on their coins. So called because it resembled a puteal, or wellhead, the structure enclosed a "bidental", a place that had been struck by lightning, or in one tradition the spot where the whetstone of the augur Attius Navius had stood, in the time of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. The Puteal Scribonianum was dedicated by one of the Scribonii Libones, probably either the praetor of 204 BC, or the tribune of the plebs in 149. It was renovated by Lucius Scribonius Libo, either the praetor of 80 BC, or his son, the consul of 34.[4]  Curio became hereditary in one branch of the Scribonii after the first of the family was chosen curio maximus in 174 BC.[5][6]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Scribonii Libones Lucius Scribonius Libo, tribune of the plebs in 216 BC, unsuccessfully petitioned the senate to ransom the Roman soldiers taken prisoner at Cannae. He was praetor peregrinus in 204, and assigned the province of Gaul.[7][8] Lucius Scribonius (L. f.) Libo, as curule aedile in 194 BC, presided over the first celebration of the Megalesia at Rome. Praetor peregrinus in 192, he was assigned to prepare ships to bring the Roman army to Epirus. In 186, he was one of the commissioners to re-establish colonies at Sipontum and Buxentum.[9] Lucius Scribonius (L. f. L. n.) Libo, tribune of the plebs in 149 BC, accused Servius Sulpicius Galba of atrocities against the Lusitani.[10][11][12][13] Lucius Scribonius Libo, praetor in an uncertain year, was the father of Scribonia, the second wife of Augustus.[14] Lucius Scribonius L. f. Libo, one of Pompeius' legates during the Civil War, and afterward a supporter of Sextus Pompeius. He was later reconciled to Octavian, who married his sister, Scribonia. Libo was consul in 34 BC, with Marcus Antonius.[15][16][17][18][19][20][21][22] Scribonia L. f., second wife of Augustus, and mother of Julia, the emperor's only natural child. Augustus was her third husband, the first two also being of consular rank; one of them may have been Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus.[i][23][24][25][26][27] Lucius Scribonius L. f. L. n. Drusus Libo, the natural son of the consul of 34 BC he was adopted by Marcus Livius Drusus Claudianus as Marcus Livius L. f. L. n. Drusus Libo, and served as consul in 15 BC.[28][29] Scribonia L. f. L. n., daughter of the consul of 34 BC, married Sextus Pompeius, and was the mother of his daughter Pompeia. Lucius Scribonius L. f. L. n. Libo, consul in AD 16.[30][31] Son or grandson of the consul of 15 BC.[32] Marcus Scribonius Libo Drusus, brother of the consul of 16 AD, he was accused to revolt against emperor Tiberius Scribonia L. f. L. n., daughter of Lucius Scribonius Libo, the consul of AD 16, married Marcus Licinius Crassus Frugi, consul in AD 27.[33][34] Lucius Scribonius L. f. L. n. Libo, accused of plotting against Tiberius, he took his own life rather than submit to the inevitable sentence of death.[35][36][30][37] Lucius Scribonius Libo, curator of the banks of the Tiber during the reign of Claudius.[38] Scribonii Curiones Gaius Scribonius Curio, plebeian aedile in 196 BC, and praetor urbanus in 193, was named Curio Maximus in 174 BC, after his predecessor died in a pestilence.[39][40] Gaius Scribonius Curio, praef soc 181 BC, probably son of the above, maybe also to be identical with the C. Scribonius who was moneyer in 154 BC.[41] Gaius Scribonius Curio, praetor in 121 BC, was a famous orator, greatly admired by Cicero, who laments that the speeches of Curio had been largely forgotten. He was noted for his defense of Servius Fulvius Flaccus, the consul of 135 BC, on a charge of incestum.[42][43] Gaius Scribonius C. f. Curio, consul in 76 BC, and afterward proconsul of Macedonia, where he fought against the Dardani and the Thracians. On his return to Rome about 72, he received a triumph for his conquest of the Dardani.[44][45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54] Gaius Scribonius C. f. C. n. Curio, one of Caesar's supporters at the beginning of the Civil War. He successfully occupied Sicily, but was defeated and killed at the Bagradas, when he attempted to carry the war over to Africa.[55][56][57][58][59][60][61][62][63][64][65] Gaius Scribonius C. f. C. n. Curio, the son of Curio, Caesar's legate, by Fulvia, and the stepson of Mark Antony, was put to death by Octavian after the Battle of Actium, together with Antony's son, Antyllus, and Caesarion.[66][67] Others Scribonius Aphrodisius, a Latin grammarian, had been a slave of the grammarian Lucius Orbilius Pupillus, but was purchased by Scribonia, the wife of Augustus, who gave him his freedom.[68] Scribonius, an usurper who attempted briefly seized the throne of the Bosporan Kingdom about 16 BC, by claiming to be a descendant of Mithridates. His deception was soon discovered, and he was put to death.[69][70] Scribonius Proculus, a senator in the time of Caligula, slain by his fellows at the prompting of Protogenes, one of the emperor's creatures.[71] Scribonius Largus, a physician of Claudius, whom he accompanied to Britain, and the author of De Compositione Medicamentorum, quoted by Galen, as well as several other works that do not survive.[72][73][74] Publius Sulpicius Scribonius Proculus, the brother of Scribonius Rufus, was governor of either Germania Superior or Germania Inferior in the time of Nero, while his brother was governor of the other province. Both were accused, and summoned to account to Nero in Greece, where they took their own lives, upon perceiving no hope of survival.[75][76] Scribonius Rufus, the brother of Scribonius Proculus, took his life when denounced to Nero.[75][76] See also List of Roman gentes Footnotes  Surprisingly for a central figure in the imperial family, Scribonia's first two husbands have long defied identification. Scribonia had a daughter named Cornelia, and seemingly a son named Lentulus Marcellinus. References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 758 ("Scribonia Gens").  Chase, p. 119.  Chase, p. 111.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. II, pp. 779, 780 ("Scribonius Libo", No. 4).  Livy, xli. 26.  Broughton, vol. I, pp. 406, 407 (note 7).  Livy, xxii. 61, xxiii. 21, xxix 11, 13.  Broughton, vol. I, pp. 249, 252, 306, 310 (note 2).  Broughton, vol. I, pp. 343, 350, 372.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, xii. 5. § 3, xiii. 30, 32, Brutus, 23, De Oratore, ii. 65.  Livy, Epitome, 49.  Valerius Maximus, viii. 1. § 2.  Broughton, vol. I, p. 459.  Broughton, vol. III, pp. 185, 186.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, i. 1, Epistulae ad Atticum, vii. 12, viii. 11, b, xvi. 4  Florus, iv. 2. §§ 21, 31.  Lucan, ii. 461.  Caesar, De Bello Gallico, i. 26, De Bello Civili, iii. 5, 15, 16, 18, 23, 24.  Cassius Dio, xli. 40, 48, xlviii. 16, xlix. 38.  Orosius, vi. 15.  Appian, Bellum Civile, v. 52, 53, 69–73, 139.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 248, 269, 384.  Suetonius, "The Life of Augustus", 62, 69.  Appian, Bellum Civile, v. 53.  Cassius Dio, xlviii. 34, lv. 10.  Velleius Paterculus, ii. 100.  Tacitus, Annales, ii. 27.  Cassius Dio, liv. 21.  Fasti Albenses, AE 2012, 437.  Cassius Dio, lvii. 15.  Tacitus, Annales, ii. 1.  Hallett, pp. 159  Tacitus, Historiae, i. 14.  Suetonius, "The Life of Caligula", 28.  Tacitus, Annales, ii. 27–32.  Suetonius, "The Life of Tiberius", 25.  Seneca the Younger, Epistulae, 70.  PIR, vol. III, p. 185.  Livy, xxxiii. 42, xxxiv. 53, 57, xxxv. 6, xli. 21.  Broughton, vol. I, pp. 335, 347, 406, 407 (note 7).  Crawford, pp. 247  Cicero, Brutus, 32, De Inventione, i. 43, De Oratore, i. 23, 33, Rhetorica ad Herennium, ii. 20.  Pliny the Elder, vii. 41.  Appian, Bella Mithridatica, 60.  Eutropius, vi. 2.  Orosius, iv. 23.  Suetonius, "The Life of Caesar", 9, 49, 52.  Cassius Dio, xxxviii. 16.  Valerius Maximus, ix. 14. § 5.  Pliny the Elder, vii. 12.  Solinus, i. 6.  Quintilian, vi. 3. § 6.  Orelli, Onomasticon Tullianum, ii. pp. 525, ff.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 26, 56, 59, 80, 82 (note 3), 92, 93, 99, 104, 112, 118, 182, 206, 233.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, ii. 23, ff.  Velleius Paterculus, ii. 48, 55.  Appian, Bellum Civile, ii. 23, ff.  Suetonius, "The Life of Caesar", 29, 36, De Claris Rhetoribus, 1.  Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus, 37.  Livy, Epitome, 109, 110.  Plutarch, "The Life of Caesar", 29, ff, "The Life of Pompeius", 58.  Cassius Dio, xl. 60, ff.  Quintilian, vi. 3. § 76.  Orelli, Onomasticon Tullianum, ii. pp. 526, ff.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 224, 227 (note 4), 230, 240, 246, 249, 263, 264, 266, 269, 273; vol. III, p. 186.  Cassius Dio, xi. 2.  PW, "Scribonius", No. 7.  Suetonius, De Illustribus Grammaticis, 19.  Cassius Dio, liv. 24.  Pseudo-Lucian, Macrobii, 17.  Cassius Dio, lix. 26.  Scribonius Largus, De Compositione Medicamentorum, xi. § 60, xliv. § 175, xxii. § 94, xlv. § 171.  Galen, De Compositione Medicamentorum Secundum Locos Conscriptorum, vol. xii. pp. 683, 738, 764, vol. xiii. pp. 67, 280, 284, ff.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. II, p. 722 ("Scribonius Largus").  Cassius Dio, lxiii. 17.  Tacitus, Annales, xiii. 48, Historiae, iv. 41. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Brutus, De Inventione, De Oratore, Epistulae ad Atticum, Epistulae ad Familiares, Rhetorica ad Herennium (attributed). Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico (Commentaries on the Gallic War), Commentarii de Bello Civili (Commentaries on the Civil War). Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History. Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium (Memorable Facts and Sayings). Marcus Annaeus Lucanus (Lucan), Pharsalia. Scribonius Largus, De Compositione Medicamentorum (On the Composition of Medicines). Lucius Annaeus Seneca (Seneca the Younger), Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium (Moral Letters to Lucilius). Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny the Elder), Historia Naturalis (Natural History). Marcus Fabius Quintilianus (Quintilian), Institutio Oratoria (Institutes of Oratory). Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales, Historiae, Dialogus de Oratoribus (Dialogue on Oratory). Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, De Vita Caesarum (Lives of the Caesars, or The Twelve Caesars), De Claris Rhetoribus (On the Eminent Orators), De Illustribus Grammaticis (On the Illustrious Grammarians). Plutarchus, Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum Omnium Annorum DCC (Epitome of Livy: All the Wars of Seven Hundred Years). Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bella Mithridatica (The Mithridatic Wars), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Aelius Galenus (Galen), De Compositione Medicamentorum Secundum Locos Conscriptorum (On the Composition of Medications According to the Place Prescribed). Pseudo-Lucian, Macrobii. Cassius Dio, Roman History. Gaius Julius Solinus, De Mirabilis Mundi (On the Wonders of the World). Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae (Abridgement of the History of Rome). Paulus Orosius, Historiarum Adversum Paganos (History Against the Pagans). Johann Caspar von Orelli, Onomasticon Tullianum, Orell Füssli, Zürich (1826–1838). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). August Pauly, Georg Wissowa, et alii, Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Scientific Encyclopedia of the Knowledge of Classical Antiquities, abbreviated RE or PW), J. B. Metzler, Stuttgart (1894–1980). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952–1986). Hewson Crawford, Michael (1974). Roman Republican Coinage. Vol. 1 (new ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521074926. Hallett, Judith P. (2014). Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society: Women and the Elite Family. Princeton Legacy Library. Vol. 682. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9781400855322. Categories: ScriboniiRoman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Scribonio – Ossia: Grice e Scribonio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Scribonio -- For the Scribonii, my first-best choice would be Lucius Scribonius Libo, the tribune of 149 BC who accused Servius Sulpicius Galba over the Lusitanian massacre. That is the strongest Grice-Speranza choice because the very nomen Scribonius already points toward writing, record, formal complaint, the passage from outrage to document; and Libo then places that written or quasi-written force inside a public accusation. He is a “Scribonius” who does the Roman thing most congenial to the name: he makes a case. The case is also morally sharper than the more glamorous Curiones. Curio gives oratory, office, Caesar, civil war, and danger; very attractive, but almost too obvious. Scribonius Libo gives a cleaner Gricean scene: a Roman public man tries to make atrocity speak under the form of accusation. Galba’s conduct toward the Lusitani had to be redescribed from military necessity into perfidy or cruelty. That is exactly the sort of move Speranza likes: not merely “what happened?” but “under what description is what happened to be judged?” Libo’s accusation is a struggle over uptake. Galba wants the deed heard as war; Libo wants it heard as bad faith. The Scribonian name helps. If scribo is the root, then Scribonius is not merely “Mr Writer” in a comic way, but the family-name becomes available for a vignette on inscription, record, testimony, accusation, and the conversion of event into charge. Rome kills; Rome writes; Rome later argues about what Rome wrote. A very civilised horror. A possible dry title would be: “Grice e Scribonio: il caso scritto.” Or, more pointedly, “Grice e Scribonio Libone: scribere est accusare.” The point would not be that the etymology proves character. Grice would resist that. It would be that the name gives Speranza permission to stage the philosophical interest: how a deed becomes answerable once it is entered into public language. A small reconstructed exchange: Libo: “Non pugnam narro, Galba, sed fidem ruptam.” “I am not narrating a battle, Galba, but a broken trust.” Galba: “Hostes erant.” “They were enemies.” Libo: “Etiam hostibus promissa significant.” “Promises mean even to enemies.” That last line is the Gricean hinge. Galba’s defence depends on narrowing the addressee class: enemies are outside the full moral conversation. Libo’s counter is that a promise, once given and recognised, has force even across hostility. The violated Lusitanians are not merely defeated bodies; they are recipients of an undertaking. The issue is therefore not sentimental pity but communicative obligation. If they were induced to act under Roman assurances, then Rome meant something to them, and Galba becomes answerable for what Rome allowed them to understand. So my first choice is Lucius Scribonius Libo, not Scribonia, not Curio, not Scribonius Largus, though each is tempting. Scribonia would be excellent for dynastic tact and Augustan repudiation; Curio for reckless eloquence; Largus for prescriptions and medicine. But Libo gives the deepest moral-pragmatic case: the written accusation, the public record, and the claim that even imperial or military power cannot simply cancel what its words have made others entitled to infer. And that provides some background interpretant (Peirce's technicism) to Grice's left-unexplained-because-obvious 'Bellum bellum est' which Grice does not think a Roman ever uttered. Grice: GRoUP C: Examples that involve exploitation, that is, a procedure by which a maxim is flouted for the purpose of getting in a conversational implicature by means of something of the nature of a figure of speech In these examples, though some maxim is violated at the level of what is said, the hearer is entitled to assume that that maxim, or at least the overall Cooperative Principle, is observed at the level of what is implicated. (la) A flouting of the first maxim of Quantity A is writing a testimonial about a pupil who is a candidate for a philosophy job, and his letter reads as follows: "Dear Sir, Mr. X's command of English is excellent, and his attendance at tutorials has been regular. Yours, etc." (Gloss: A cannot be opting out, since if he wished to be uncooperative, why write at all? He cannot be unable, through ignorance, to say more, since the man is his pupil; moreover, he knows that more information than this is wanted. He must, there-fore, be wishing to impart information that he is reluctant to write down. This supposition is tenable only if he thinks Mr. X is no good at philosophy. This, then, is what he is implicating.) Extreme examples of a flouting of the first maxim of Quantity are provided by utterances of patent tautologies like Women are women and War is war. I would wish to maintain that at the level of what is said, in my favored sense, such remarks are totally noninformative and so, at that level, cannot but infringe the first maxim of Quantity in any conversational context. They are, of course, informative at the level of what is implicated, and the hearer's identification of their informative content at this level is dependent on his ability to explain the speaker's selection of this particular patent tautology. Yes. This gives an excellent background interpretant for Grice’s “War is war,” and perhaps even explains why he leaves it unexplained: the hearer is expected to recover the socially available brutality of the tautology. “Bellum bellum est” is not a Roman quotation; it is a logical skeleton into which a culture supplies flesh. Grice does not need a Roman to have uttered it, because the point is not historical attestation but pragmatic recoverability. In Grice’s “War is war,” what is said is empty: A is A. At the level of truth-conditions, no one has learned anything. But the selected noun is not arbitrary. “War” brings with it a whole interpretive field: necessity, cruelty, loss, suspended normal scruple, the lesser authority of ordinary moral refinements, and the claim that certain horrors are not exceptions but belong to the institution named. The hearer asks: why choose this tautology rather than “tables are tables” or “umbrellas are umbrellas”? The answer is: because the speaker is inviting one to stop looking for finer justification. War, being war, licenses or explains what peace would not. That is where Scribonius Libo and Galba help. In the Lusitanian case, the whole dispute turns on whether “war” can do that much work. Galba would like something near “bellum bellum est”: enemies are enemies, war is war, promises made to hostile peoples do not bind in the ordinary way, or at least need not be remembered too tenderly. Libo’s accusation resists precisely that implicature. He says, in effect: even in war, a Roman undertaking means something; even enemies can be addressees of a promise; fides is not cancelled by the word hostes. So the background interpretant is this: “War is war” is a tautology whose implicature may be imperial, brutal, or resigned, depending on the context. But in a Roman forensic setting it is also contestable. Libo’s point against Galba is that “war is war” cannot be allowed to swallow “a promise is a promise.” That gives the tautology a sharper Gricean profile. Its force depends on which institutional noun is being allowed to govern the uptake. Speranza might put it dryly: Galba says, without needing to say it, “Bellum bellum est.” Libo replies, also without needing to say it, “Fides fides est.” The first tautology tries to normalise violence by naming the frame. The second tries to restore obligation by naming the act. Both are logically empty; both are pragmatically loaded. That is why Grice’s example works. The patent tautology becomes informative because the hearer recognises not its logical content, but the practical attitude expressed by choosing just that tautology at just that point.