TI

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Ti

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tiberiano – Ossia: Grice e Tiberiano: la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale. Note su Amnis ibat. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice. Tiberiano: la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale. Tiberiano (336 A. D.). Amnis ibat.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tiberio – Ossia: Grice e Tiberio: la ragione conversazionale della filosofia e l’implicatura conversazionale dell’anti-filosofia – Roma – filosofia italiana – Grice italo (Roma). not the prince. Not the prince. This one writes on philosophical subjects. Grice: “It would have been a good thing if the OTHER one did!  Tiberio (Roma, Lazio): la ragione conversazionale della filosofia e l’implicatura conversazionale dell’anti-filosofia –not the prince. Not the prince. This one writes on philosophical subjects. Grice: “It would have been a good thing if the OTHER one did!” GRICEVS: Salve, Tiberi! Dic mihi: quid tibi videtur esse ratio inter philosophiam et anti-philosophiam? TIBERIVS: Ave, Grice! Ego credo anti-philosophiam esse provocationem philosophiae—non negationem, sed potius invitationem ad dubitandum. GRICEVS: Pulchre dictum! Potesne exemplum dare ubi anti-philosophia vere auxilio fuit progressionis philosophiae? TIBERIVS: Certe! Cogita de Socrate, qui saepe quaestiones ponebat quae lineas philosophiae perturbabant; eius “ignorantia docta” initium dedit novis modis cogitandi. Sic anti-philosophia fit instrumentum ipsius sapientiae. Tiberio (XXX). Dicta.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tiburtio – Ossia: Grice e Tiburtio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tiburtio -- The gens Tiburtia was a minor plebeian family at ancient Rome. Hardly any members of this gens are mentioned in history, but a large number are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Tiburtius is derived from the earlier cognomen Tiburtes, referring to an inhabitant of the ancient city of Tibur in Latium. This indicates that the Tiburtii claimed descent from a Tiburtine family that settled at Rome, or else obtained Roman citizenship at an early period. Chase classifies the nomen among those gentilicia that either originated at Rome, or which cannot be shown to have come from anywhere else.[1]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Tiburtii were Lucius and Gaius, the two most common names at all periods of Roman history. While a number of other common praenomina are found amongst the inscriptions of this gens, the only ones that appear more than once are Aulus, Marcus, Publius, and Titus.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Aulus Tiburtius A. l. Timiso, one of the leaders of the ironworkers' guild at Praeneste in Latium during the late second century or the early first century BC.[2] Tiburtia Posilla, buried at Tarquinii in Etruria, aged sixty, in a tomb dating from the first quarter of the first century BC.[3] Gaius Tiburtius C. l. Flaccus, a freedman named in an inscription from Casilinum in Campania, dating from the first half of the first century BC.[4] Lucius Tiburtius, a centurion who was present at a parley along the Apsus between the forces of Caesar and Pompeius during the Civil War. As Titus Labienus conferred with Publius Vatinius, the soldiers of each side began fighting, and Tiburtius was among the officers who were wounded.[5] Quintus Tiburtius Q. l. Menolavus, a freedman buried at Casilinum, in a tomb dating from the late first century BC.[6] Tiburtia T. l., buried at Baeterrae in Gallia Narbonensis, in a tomb dating from the first half of the first century.[7] Tiburtia Ɔ. l. Chelido, a freedwoman buried at Rome in the first half of the first century.[8] Gaius Tiburtius M. f. Clemens, buried at Ateste in Venetia and Histria, in a tomb built by his sister, Tiburtia Quarta, dating from the first half of the first century.[9] Tiburtia M. f. Quarta, dedicated a tomb at Ateste, dating from the first half of the first century, for her brother, Gaius Tiburtius Clemens.[9] Publius Tiburtius Buttus, one of the principals in an auction at Pompeii in AD 55.[10] Tiburtia Egloge, named in an inscription from Pompeii.[11] Lucius Tiburtius Atticus, a freedman, buried along with Lucius Tiburtius Telesphorus, in a first-century tomb at Rome, built by Lucius Tiburtius Tyrannus and Artoria Corinthas.[12] Lucius Tiburtius L. f. Priamus, one of the Seviri Augustales at Ticinum in Gallia Narbonensis, at some point during the first century.[13] Lucius Tiburtius Telesphorus, buried along with the freedman Lucius Tiburtius Atticus, in a first-century tomb at Rome, built by his client, Lucius Tiburtius Tyrannus, and Artoria Corinthias.[12] Lucius Tiburtius Tyrannus, along with Artoria Corinthias, built a first-century tomb at Rome for Tyrannus' patron, Lucius Tiburtius Telesphorus, and the freedman Lucius Tiburtius Atticus.[12] Tiburtia T. l. Aura, a freedwoman buried in a family sepulchre at Rome, built by her son, Titus Tiburtius Natalis, for himself, his wife, Venelia Primigenia, and his mother, dating to the middle of the first century.[14] Titus Tiburtius T. Ɔ l. Natalis, a freedman, built a family sepulchre at Rome, dating to the middle of the first century, for himself, his wife, Venelia Primigenia, and his mother, Tiburtia Aura.[14] Tiburtius Heros, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, dating from the late first century.[15] Aulus Tiburtius Campester, buried at Salona in Dalmatia, aged forty, in a tomb dedicated by his children, dating from the first century, or the first half of the second.[16] Marcus Tiburtius Thiasus, buried in a first- or second-century tomb at Rome, aged twenty-five, along with Prima, perhaps his wife.[17] Tiburtia Am[...]is, buried at Carales in Sardinia, aged sixty, in a tomb dedicated by her daughter, Julia Amana, dating between the middle of the first century, and the middle of the second.[18] Tiburtia Nice, named in an inscription from Concordia in Venetia and Histria, dating from the late first or early second century.[19] Tiburtia Euphrosyne, dedicated a tomb at Rome for her brother, Tiberius Claudius Bithynicus, dating between the middle of the first century, and the end of the second.[20] Tiburtia Felicula, along with [...]cilius, dedicated a tomb at Narnia in Umbria, dating from the first half of the second century, for her husband, Titus Gargilius Januarius.[21] Gaius Tiburtius Verna, a second-century maker of a lead pipes at Tibur in Latium.[22] Tiburtius Serotinus, dedicated a tomb at Mutina in Cisalpine Gaul, dating between the middle and the end of the second century, for Faustina, a psaltria, or harpist.[23] Gaius Tiburtius Alphius, together with his wife, Valeria Potita, built a tomb at Tibur, dating from the late second century, or the first half of the third, to their foster son, Gaius Sextilius Rufus, aged seven years, ten months, and ten days.[24] Tiburtius, supposed to have been a Christian martyr in the early third century, along with his brother, Valerian, and the latter's wife, Caecilia, and a soldier named Maximus, around AD 230. As Christian saints, Tiburtius, Valerian, and Maximus were traditionally honored with a feast on the eighteenth day before the Kalends of May (April 14), while Caecilia's feast day is November 22.[25] Tiburtius, buried at Rome, in a tomb dating from the early fourth century.[26] Tiburtius, named in a fourth-century sepulchral inscription from Rome.[27] Tiburtius, dedicated a fourth-century tomb at Rome for his wife, Eulalia.[28] Tiburtius, buried at Rome on the seventh day before the Nones of December[i] in AD 377, aged twenty-six years, nine months, and eleven days.[29] Tiburtius, buried at Rome, in a tomb dating from the end of the fourth century, or the first quarter of the fifth.[30] Tiburtius Severus, a shopkeeper at Rome early in the fifth century, according to an inscription dating between AD 402 and 408.[31] Undated Tiburtii Lucius L. f. Tiburtius, the son of Lucius Tiburtius [...]io, for whom he and his mother, Vibia, built a tomb at Rome.[32] Tiburtia Anytes, buried at Rome, with a monument dedicated by her husband, Botrys.[33] Gaius Tiburtius C. f. Atticus, buried at Tibur in a tomb dedicated by his son, also named Gaius Tiburtius Atticus, was twice one of the quattuorviri of Tibur.[34] Gaius Tiburtius C. f. C. n. Atticus, dedicated a tomb at Tibur for his father, also named Gaius Tiburtius Atticus.[34] Tiburtia Chrotis, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome.[35] Gaius Tiburtius Comus, buried at Tibur.[36] Gaius Tiburtius Felix, dedicated a tomb at Tibur for his wife, Flavia Nice.[37] Lucius Tiburtius Felix, buried at Rome, aged twenty-five, in a tomb built by his wife, Laberia Briseis.[38] Lucius Tiburtius [...]io, buried at Rome, in a tomb built by his son, Lucius Tiburtius, and wife, Vibia Apr[...].[32] Publius Tiburtius Julianus, a soldier in the Legio III Augusta, buried at Lambaesis in Numidia, with a monument from his heir, Gaius Sergius Fortunatus.[39] Tiburtia Maxima, buried at the site of modern Loulou, formerly part of Numidia, aged fifty-five.[40] Sextus Tiburtius Sex. l. Nicephor, a freedman buried at Rome, along with the freedwoman Appuleia Helena and the freedman Lucius Appuleius Demetrius.[41] Tiburtius Rusticus, dedicated a monument at Lambaesis for his father, Lucius Tiburtius Saturninus.[42] Gaius Tiburtius Saturninus, a soldier stationed at Lambaesis.[43] Lucius Tiburtius Saturninus, buried at Lambaesis, aged ninety-six, with a monument from his son, Tiburtius Rusticus.[42] Tiburtia M. f. Secunda, buried at Ateste.[44] Tiburtia Sphragis, together with her husband, Polybius, dedicated a tomb at Tibur for their son, Claudius Charopinus, aged twenty-five.[45] Decimus Tiburtius Successus, built a family sepulchre at Rome for himself, his wife, Cominia Euthychia, his patron, Cominia Heurisis, and Titius Secundus.[46] Notes  This may be a mistake, as the Nones of December fall on December 5, and counting inclusively, in the Roman fashion, December 2 would be the fourth day before the Nones; December 1 would be the Kalends of December, and the seventh day before the Nones would be November 29. If this date is not intentional, it may be that the inscription should say the seventh day before the Kalends, November 25, or the seventh day before the Ides, December 7. See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, pp. 131, 132.  CIL I, 3068.  CIL XI, 3492.  CIL X, 3785.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, iii. 19.  CIL X, 3984.  AE 2013, 1047.  CIL VI, 26254.  CIL V, 2511.  CIL IV, 3340,014.  CIL IV, 9934a.  CIL VI, 27403.  AE 1992, 791.  CIL VI, 27406, CIL VI, 27407.  AE 1993, 381.  CIL III, 2559.  CIL VI, 27410.  AE 2006, 521.  CIL V, 1941.  CIL VI, 27411.  CIL XI, 4135.  CIL XIV, 3708, CIL XV, 7909a.  CIL XI, 870.  CIL XIV, 3845.  ICUR, i. 93.  ICUR, iv. 10227.  ICUR, iv. 10226.  ICUR, ix. 24767.  ICUR, viii. 20795.  ICUR, vi. 15954,3.  CIL VI, 9920.  CIL VI, 27402.  CIL VI, 7299.  Inscriptiones Italiae, iv. 1, 200.  CIL VI, 19520.  Inscriptiones Italiae, iv. 1, 460.  CIL XIV, 3768.  CIL VI, 27404.  CIL VIII, 3249.  Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 2, 6153.  CIL VI, 38023.  CIL VIII, 18462.  CIL VIII, 2568.  CIL V, 2708.  CIL XIV, 3745.  CIL VI, 27409. Bibliography Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Civili (Commentaries on the Civil War). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Giovanni Battista de Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romanae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores (Christian Inscriptions from Rome of the First Seven Centuries, abbreviated ICUR), Vatican Library, Rome (1857–1861, 1888). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). Inscriptiones Italiae (Inscriptions from Italy), Rome (1931-present). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks The gens

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tiburtio – Ossia: Grice e Tiburtio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tiburtio For the Tiburtii, the most Grice-Speranza-worthy figure is, I think, neither the Christian martyr nor the maker of lead pipes, but Lucius Tiburtius, the centurion present at the famous parley between Caesar's and Pompey's forces on the river Apsus during the Civil War. Caesar himself records the episode. [GREXv3 | Word] Why? Because the entire scene is about a conversational breakdown under conditions where conversation is supposed to prevent violence. The two sides are meeting to talk. Then the talking stops working. Then the missiles start. It is almost a political version of Grice's problem:  What are the conditions under which rational communication succeeds?  So the vignette would be:  (*) VATINIVS. Audiamus. (Let us listen.) CENTVRIO. Loquuntur. (They are talking.) VATINIVS. Ergo pax erit? (Then there will be peace?) CENTVRIO. Non semper. (Not always.) +> The occurrence of communication does not guarantee the achievement of agreement.  A nice warning against the naïve conversational optimism sometimes imputed to Grice.  But there is another Tiburtius who may appeal even more to your interests: Gaius Tiburtius Verna, the maker of lead pipes at Tibur. [GREXv3 | Word] Now that immediately suggests a philosophy-of-language joke. A pipe carries water. Words carry meaning. The Roman plumber becomes a semiotic engineer. Hence:  (*) CIVIS. Quid facis? (What do you make?) VERNA. Fistulas. (Pipes.) CIVIS. Et quid per eas transit? (And what passes through them?) VERNA. Aqua. (Water.) CIVIS. Si philosophus esses? (If you were a philosopher?) VERNA. Significatio. (Meaning.) +> Communication is often pictured as transmission through a conduit.  That would amuse both Ryle and Grice.  And there is a final, irresistibly Urmsonian candidate: Tiburtius, the supposed Christian martyr associated with Valerian and Caecilia. [GREXv3 | Word] Here the very name becomes a descriptor:  Tiburtius  originally means, effectively,  "the man from Tibur."  Thus a Roman asks:  Quis est? (Who is he?)  And receives:  Tiburtius. (The Tiburtine.)  The proper name preserves an origin-description long after anyone is using it descriptively. That is almost straight out of the later philosophy of names. A Speranzian gloss might be:  The Tiburtii are useful because their nomen begins as a geographical description and ends as a hereditary designation. What once meant "the man from Tibur" eventually names people who may never have set foot there. The history of a proper name is often the history of a forgotten description. [GREXv3 | Word] And about the parley -- do we have the Latin -- for Caesar can converse with Pompei, r a delegate (centurion T.) can converse with another delegate? What DID happen, do we know? Thanks -- In fact, Grice says that 'represents' is best understood as a legate conversing with another legate in a parley doing for a FORCE to do what a FORCE cannnot do for itself -- engage in conversation with another force -- and Caesar conversing with Pompeo would be too dangerous and risky when a legate can safely be sent as prop. Thanks. Was that our hero T., or was he WITNESS to it? Thanks Yes. And the answer is actually better for your Gricean analogy than I had first suggested. Lucius Tiburtius was not one of the negotiators. He was a centurion present at the meeting and wounded when the parley broke down. Caesar names him specifically among the casualties. [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com] The negotiators were:  Publius Vatinius on Caesar's side, Titus Labienus on Pompey's side. [loebclassics.com]  Caesar's Latin (BC 3.19) is extremely revealing:  Titus Labienus prodit. Summissa oratione loqui de pace atque altercari cum Vatinio incipit. ("Titus Labienus stepped forward. In a subdued tone he began to speak about peace and to argue with Vatinius.") [loebclassics.com]  Then:  Quorum mediam orationem interrumpunt subito undique tela immissa... ("Their conversation was suddenly interrupted by missiles hurled from all sides...") [loebclassics.com]  Then comes the line concerning our Tiburtius:  Vulnerantur tamen complures, in his Cornelius Balbus, M. Plotius, L. Tiburtius centuriones militesque nonnulli. ("Several men were wounded, including Cornelius Balbus, Marcus Plotius, Lucius Tiburtius, together with some centurions and soldiers.") [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com]  And then Labienus delivers the killer line:  Desinite ergo de compositione loqui; nam nobis nisi Caesaris capite relato pax esse nulla potest. ("Stop talking about a settlement then; for there can be no peace for us unless Caesar's head is brought back.") [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com]  This is why the episode is so striking. The legates are actually conversing:  loqui de pace ("to talk about peace") [loebclassics.com]  Exactly as in your Gricean model. A Roman army cannot literally conduct a conversation. A force does not speak. Someone must speak for it. So we have:  Caesar's army represented by Vatinius, Pompey's army represented by Labienus. [loebclassics.com]  That is very close to your point that "representation" can be understood as:  one person doing conversationally what a collective entity cannot do for itself.  Indeed, Caesar's language is almost embarrassingly Gricean:  loqui, oratio, altercari, compositio.  The entire affair is presented as an attempted conversation. [loebclassics.com] The conversational catastrophe comes when missiles replace utterances. One could almost render the sequence as:  VATINIVS: Let us discuss peace. LABIENVS: Let us discuss peace. [Missiles] LABIENVS: There is no peace except through Caesar's death.  The remarkable thing is that Labienus' final remark can be read as a declaration that the conversational presupposition was false all along. The common ground seemed to be:  "peace is a possible outcome."  Labienus finally reveals:  "peace is not among the available options."  A wonderfully bleak Gricean lesson:  Conversation failed not because the parties lacked language, but because they lacked a mutually acceptable end. [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com]  And poor Lucius Tiburtius, our Tiburtius, is remembered chiefly as the centurion who got hit when the transition was made from dialogue to projectiles. [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com] and this may be the source of that scene in Handel's Giulio Cesare in Egitto which opens with POMPEY's head (caput) rolling on stage instead. Thanks -- it is intersesting that Giulio has the OTHER side 'talk of peace' -- and the first missile perhaps coming from Giulio's side, hence Labienus's 'Let weapons speak'. Thanks That's a very plausible literary connection, although I would be careful to distinguish influence from direct source. What we can say securely is that in Caesar's account of the Apsus parley, Titus Labienus ends by declaring:  "nam nobis nisi Caesaris capite relato pax esse nulla potest"  that is,  "for there can be no peace for us unless Caesar's head is brought back." [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com]  The dramatic object is therefore already present in Caesar's narrative:  Caesar's head (Caesaris caput).  In Handel's Giulio Cesare in Egitto, by contrast, the famous stage shock is the presentation of Pompey's head. That comes from the historical tradition surrounding Pompey's murder in Egypt, and it is certainly one of the most memorable "heads on stage" in classical reception. What is fascinating in the Apsus episode is precisely the conversational structure. Caesar says that:  a meeting is arranged, a large crowd gathers, everyone appears intent on peace, Labienus begins speaking quietly with Vatinius about peace, missiles suddenly interrupt the conversation. [loebclassics.com]  You raise an interesting point about who threw first. Caesar's text says:  "quorum mediam orationem interrumpunt subito undique tela immissa"  ("their conversation was suddenly interrupted by missiles hurled from all sides"). [loebclassics.com] The crucial phrase is:  undique "from all sides." [loebclassics.com]  So in the text as we have it, Caesar does not explicitly identify a first thrower. He reports missiles arriving "from all sides." We therefore cannot securely attribute the first attack to Caesar's side on the basis of this passage alone. From a Gricean angle, however, the remarkable move is Labienus' final declaration:  Stop talking about settlement; there is no peace except through Caesar's death. [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com]  One can read that as a retrospective cancellation of the conversational enterprise. The common ground seemed to be:  "We are here to discuss possible peace."  Labienus reveals:  "Peace is not among the available outcomes."  That is almost an anti-Gricean moment. The participants are cooperating conversationally, but not cooperating politically. Speranza might put it:  The parley fails because language succeeds. Conversation uncovers the true position of the parties. Once Labienus has stated that only Caesar's head can produce peace, the missiles merely make explicit what the conversation has already discovered. [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com] And Labienus seems to be playing with 'peace' -- when starting to talk 'peace' peace means one thing -- when he has Caesar's head as requiriste for 'peace' -- peace is methonymic for Caesar's defeat after war -- not peace. Thanks -- cf. Pax romana instaurated actually by Cesare? Thanks -- as euphemism for 'Roman control via weapon deterrence'? Thanks Yes, I think that is exactly the interesting semantic move in the passage. At the beginning of the interview, both sides seem to be using pax in the ordinary diplomatic sense:  cessation of hostilities through agreement.  Caesar's narrative stresses that everyone appeared intent on peace:  omnium animi intenti esse ad pacem videbantur ("everyone seemed to be intent on peace"). [loebclassics.com]  Then Labienus concludes:  nobis nisi Caesaris capite relato pax esse nulla potest ("for us there can be no peace unless Caesar's head is brought back"). [loebclassics.com], [loebclassics.com]  Grice would immediately ask whether pax has undergone a shift. Strictly speaking, Labienus is still using the same word. But the conditions of application have altered so drastically that the common ground collapses. For Vatinius:  pax = negotiated settlement.  For Labienus:  pax = the political state that exists after Caesar has been eliminated.  So one might say that "peace" is becoming a kind of euphemistic endpoint of victory. Not:  "Let us stop fighting and compromise."  But:  "Once you have lost, peace will exist."  That is very close to what later ages often mean by "peace through victory."  Your comparison with the Pax Romana is quite apt, though one should be historically careful. The expression Pax Romana is modern shorthand for the long period of imperial stability associated above all with Augustus and his successors rather than Julius Caesar himself. But even ancient writers sometimes recognized the ambiguity. Roman "peace" frequently meant:  absence of civil war, under conditions of Roman dominance.  Hence the famous paradox:  peace achieved by military success.  Tacitus gives the classic cynical formulation in the speech of Calgacus:  ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant. "Where they make a desert, they call it peace."  Not a definition of Roman policy, of course, but a hostile interpretation of it. A Grice-Speranza gloss might run:  At the start of the parley, "peace" means an alternative to war. By the end, it means the condition resulting from the successful prosecution of war against Caesar. The lexical item remains unchanged; the practical content has shifted. Labienus does not reject peace. He redefines the route by which it may be obtained. In Gricean terms, the disagreement concerns not the word but the presupposed conditions of its satisfaction.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Ticinio – Ossia: Grice e Ticinio – Grex griceiana: verbalia: Ticinio. The gens Ticinia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Almost no members of this gens are mentioned in history, but a few are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Ticinius belongs to a class of gentilicia formed using the suffix -inius, usually derived from cognomina ending in -inus.[1] Here the root seems to be Ticinus, presumably referring to an inhabitant of Ticinum in Gallia Narbonensis.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Publius Ticinius Mela, brought the first barber to Rome from Sicily circa 300 BC.[2][3] Ticinius, dedicated a family sepulchre at Savaria in Pannonia Superior, dating from the latter half of the second century, for his wife, Ticinia [...]nia.[4] Ticinia [...]nia, buried at Savaria in a family sepulchre built by her husband, Ticinius, dating from the latter half of the second century.[4] Undated Ticinii Marcus Ticinius, described in an inscription from Turris Libisonis in Sardinia as procurator, or governor of the province, in an unknown year. However, the inscription is thought to be a forgery.[5] Ticinius Victor, buried at the site of modern Esnakit, formerly part of Africa Proconsularis, aged seventy.[6] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, pp. 125, 126.  Varro, Rerum Rusticarum, ii. 11. § 10.  Pliny, Historia Naturalis, vii. 59.  CIL III, 4214.  CIL X, 1479.  BCTH, 1903-192. Bibliography Marcus Terentius Varro, Rerum Rusticarum (Rural Matters). Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny the Elder), Historia Naturalis (Natural History). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Bulletin Archéologique du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques (Archaeological Bulletin of the Committee on Historic and Scientific Works, abbreviated BCTH), Imprimerie Nationale, Paris (1885–1973). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Ticinio – Ossia: Grice e Ticinio – Grex griceiana: verbalia: Ticinio. For the Ticinii, the choice is easy and, indeed, barberously Gricean:  Publius Ticinius Mela, who, according to Varro and Pliny the Elder, brought the first barber to Rome from Sicily around 300 BC. [GREXv3 | Word]  This is one of those tiny antiquarian facts that Varro loved and that Grice would have adored. Why? Because a barber is a conversational professional. Before the philosopher, before the grammarian, before the don, there is the barber. One might even say:  The barber removes hair. The philosopher removes confusions.  The Grice-Speranza vignette practically writes itself:  (*) TONSOR. Quomodo vis tonderi? (How do you wish to be cut?) CIVIS. Brevius. (Shorter.) TONSOR. Quantum brevius? (How much shorter?) +> Instructions require contextual completion before they become actionable.  That is pure ordinary-language philosophy. "Shorter" is not enough. The hearer must calculate what is meant.  And there is a deeper Varro-Grice joke. The introduction of the barber creates a new social institution. Before:  everyone cuts hair somehow.  After:  there is a specialist.  Likewise:  before Grice, everyone uses implicatures; after Grice, there is a specialist.   Your earlier remarks about liber and the transmission of culture suggest another dialogue:  (*) CIVIS. Quid novum ex Sicilia attulisti? (What new thing have you brought from Sicily?) TICINIVS MELA. Tonsorem. (A barber.) CIVIS. Et quid facit? (And what does he do?) TICINIVS. Loquitur et radit. (He talks and he shaves.) +> Some professions combine communication and practical action in a single transaction.  A surprisingly Gricean occupation.  The nice thing is that unlike many of these obscure gentes, the Ticinii possess a genuine "first":  the first barber at Rome. [GREXv3 | Word]  Speranza's dry gloss might therefore be:  Varro records that Publius Ticinius Mela imported the first barber into Rome. Philosophy generally assumes conversation existed beforehand. The barber merely ensured that it occurred more neatly. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tifernio – Ossia: Grice e Tifernio – Grex griceiana: verbalia: Tifernio. The gens Tifernia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens appear in history, but several are known from inscriptions.  Origin All of the Tifernii known from inscriptions from outside of Rome came from Umbria, including at least three from the town of Tifernum Tiberinum, Tifernum on the Tiber.[1] Unless the town was named after the Tifernia gens, the Tifernii must have obtained their nomen from their town of origin.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Tifernius C. f. Sabinus, a youth buried at Tifernum Tiberinum in Umbria, aged fifteen, in a tomb dating from the early first century.[2] Gaius Tifernius Alcibiades, a soldier serving in the fifth cohort of the vigiles at Rome in AD 210.[3] Lucius Tifernius L. f. Verus, a native of Fanum Fortunae in Umbria, was a soldier in the twelfth urban cohort at Rome in AD 218.[4] Undated Tifernii Tifernius Prudens, the father of Tifernia Sabina, a woman buried at Tifernum Tiberinum.[5] Tifernia Sabina, daughter of Tifernius Prudens, buried at Tifernum Tiberinum, in a tomb dedicated by Venia and Aruntia Ampiana.[5] Tifernius Severus, dedicated a tomb at Rome for his mother, Satellia Severa.[6] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, vol. II, p. 1207 ("Tifernum", No. 1).  CIL XI, 5949.  CIL VI, 1057.  CIL VI, 2384.  CIL XI, 5940.  CIL VI, 25872. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1854). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tifernio – Ossia: Grice e Tifernio – Grex griceiana: verbalia: Tifernio. For the Tifernii, I think the most Grice-Speranza-worthy feature is not an individual but the onomastic structure of the gens itself. Unlike the Thorii, Terentii, or Tettii, the name seems transparently connected with a place:  Tifernius ← Tifernum Tiberinum. [GREXv3 | Word]  That immediately creates a philosophy-of-reference problem. Originally, one imagines:  "the man from Tifernum."  Later:  "Tifernius"  is simply a family name. The descriptive content fades, while the designation remains. That is almost a Kripkean story before Kripke. A Grice-Speranza vignette might therefore be:  (*) VIATOR. Cur Tifernius vocaris? (Why are you called Tifernius?) TIFERNIVS. Quia maiores mei ex Tiferno venerunt. (Because my ancestors came from Tifernum.) VIATOR. Et tu? (And you?) TIFERNIVS. Ego Romae natus sum. (I was born in Rome.) +> A name may preserve a description long after the description ceases to apply to its bearer.  That seems almost made to accompany your earlier observations about the Tiburtii and "the man from Tibur."  If one insists on choosing an actual individual, I rather like: Gaius Tifernius Alcibiades, serving in the fifth cohort of the vigiles in AD 210. [GREXv3 | Word] Simply because the juxtaposition is delightful:  a thoroughly Umbrian nomen (Tifernius), with the spectacularly Greek cognomen Alcibiades.  The dossier itself becomes multicultural. One could imagine:  (*) CIVIS. Romanus es an Graecus? (Are you Roman or Greek?) ALCIBIADES. In inscriptione utrumque. (On the inscription, both.) +> Personal identity may be carried simultaneously by several naming systems.  Very Roman Empire.  And there is another tiny Gricean joke hidden here. The best-attested early member is:  Gaius Tifernius Sabinus, buried at fifteen. [GREXv3 | Word]  So the chain becomes:  Tifernius, Sabinus, Umbrian town, Roman citizenship.  Everything in the nomenclature points somewhere else. A Speranzian gloss might be:  The Tifernii are useful because their nomen appears to be a geographical memory. Once, it meant "from Tifernum"; later, it merely named a family. The description survives, the information fades, and philosophy is left to wonder whether anything descriptive remains inside the name at all. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tigellio – Ossia: Grice e Tigellio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tigellio -- The gens Tigellia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Almost no members of this gens are mentioned by Roman writers, but a few are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Tigellius seems to belong to a class of gentilicia formed from cognomina using the double-diminutive suffix -ellius.[1] The precise origin of the name is not apparent, as there seems to be no surname Tigus, or any corresponding word in Latin.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Tigellius Sardus, a popular singer and flutist, was a grandson of Cicero's friend Phamea. Cicero describes the two of them as a pair of worthless "Sardinians for sale" in a letter written to his friend, Marcus Fadius Gallus, in 45 BC. He should perhaps be distinguished from the singing teacher and would-be satirist.[2][3] Marcus Tigellius Hermogenes, a singing teacher who fancied himself a talented writer, but whose lack of skill was readily apparent. He became a vehement critic of his contemporary, Horace, whose satires were a particular object of Hermogenes' ire. He might be the same person as the singer Tigellius Sardus, mentioned by Cicero, but in some instances, Horace refers to "Tigellius", and in others "Hermogenes", as though distinguishing them.[4][5][6] Tigellia Restuta, buried in a second-century tomb at Rome, built by her son, Marcus Tigellius Restutus.[7] Marcus Tigellius Restutus, dedicated a second-century tomb at Rome for his mother, Tigellia Restuta.[7] Tigellia M. f. Potestas, buried at Rome.[8] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, p. 124.  Cicero, Ad Familiares, vii. 24.  Horace, Satirae, i. 2, 3.  Horace, Satirae, i. 3.  PIR, vol. III, p. 316 (T, No. 145).  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. II, p. 421 ("M. Tigellius Hermogenes").  CIL VI, 27413.  CIL VI, 27412. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares. Quintus Horatius Flaccus (Horace), Satirae (Satires). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tigellio – Ossia: Grice e Tigellio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tigellio -- For the Tigellii, we hardly need to search for a Gricean angle. They come pre-packaged with one:  Marcus Tigellius Hermogenes, the singing teacher who criticized Horace's satires and fancied himself a writer. [GREXv3 | Word]  This is almost a paradigmatic case of what Grice would call the difference between:  producing utterances, appreciating utterances.  Or, to borrow from your earlier Martialian nasus:  making remarks, having the nose to judge remarks.  Tigellius versus Horace The surviving tradition presents Tigellius Hermogenes as:  a singer and teacher of singing, a critic of Horace, a man whom Horace regarded with considerable disdain. [GREXv3 | Word]  That suggests a Grice-Speranza dialogue:  (*) TIGELLIUS. Versus tuos reprehendo. (I criticize your verses.) HORATIUS. Intellegisne? (Do you understand them?) TIGELLIUS. Reprehendere satis est. (Criticizing is enough.) +> The ability to object does not entail the ability to evaluate.  A very Oxonian theme.  The musical angle Since Tigellius is a singer, he brings us back to something Grice occasionally enjoyed emphasizing: Conversation is not merely linguistic content. There is also:  tone, manner, delivery, performance.  A singer is professionally alert to these. One might imagine:  (*) PHILOSOPHUS. Quid significat haec sententia? (What does this sentence mean?) TIGELLIUS. Quomodo canitur? (How is it sung?) +> Meaning may depend not only on words but on their mode of presentation.  Not quite Grice's theory, but close enough to make him suspicious.  A stronger candidate: Tigellius Sardus The other famous member is:  Tigellius Sardus, the popular singer and flautist mentioned by Cicero. Cicero jokingly groups him together with Phamea as a pair of "Sardinians for sale." [GREXv3 | Word]  This introduces a theme you often enjoy: reputation. The public knows:  "Tigellius."  But what exactly is the dossier attached to that name? Singer? Satirist? Teacher? Critic? Perhaps even the same individual under different descriptions? The ancient evidence itself hesitates. Horace sometimes speaks of "Tigellius" and elsewhere of "Hermogenes", leading scholars to wonder whether they are identical or distinct. [GREXv3 | Word] That is wonderfully Urmsonian:  One referent? Two dossiers? Or two referents mistakenly collapsed?   A Speranzian gloss  The Tigellii are useful because they are experts in performance. A philosopher asks what an utterance means. A singer asks how it is delivered. Horace asks whether the critic understands it. Grice asks why the hearer understood more than was said. The conversation could hardly avoid becoming musical. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tigidio – Ossia: Grice e Tigidio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tigidio -- The gens Tigidia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. The only member of this gens to appear in history was Sextus Tigidius Perennis, prefect of the praetorian guard early in the reign of Commodus, but others are known from inscriptions.[1]  Origin The nomen Tigidius belongs to a large class of gentilicia formed using the suffix -idius, originally derived from cognomina ending in -idus, but later regarded as a regular gentile-forming suffix.[2]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Tigidius Communius, named in an inscription from Cales in Campania, dating between the late first century BC and the early first century AD.[3] Gaius Tigidius Barbarus Pines, buried at Tarentum in Calabria, aged fifty, in a tomb dating from the first half of the first century.[4] Sextus Tigidius Orestes, one of the Seviri Augustales at Narona in Dalmatia, listed in an inscription from the first or second century.[5] Tigidius, dedicated a tomb at the present site of Carassai, formerly part of Picenum, dating between the late first century and the middle of the second, for Attia Rufina.[6] Sextus Tigidius Perennis, named praetorian prefect in AD 182, alongside Publius Tarrutenius Paternus. After the fall of Paternus, Perennis assumed control of the government by perusading Commodus to spend his time pursuing pleasure and debauchery. Perennis used his power to enrich himself and dispose of his enemies,[i] but he suddenly fell from power over his conduct regarding the soldiers in Britain, and was put to death, along with his son.[7][8][9][10][1][11] Lucius Tigidius Proculus, buried at Risinium in Dalmatia in a tomb dedicated by his sister, Tigidia Tertulla, dating between the middle of the second century, and the end of the third.[12] Tigidia Tertulla, dedicated a tomb at Risinium, dating between the middle of the second century and the end of the third, for her brother, Lucius Tigidius Proculus.[12] Undated Tigidii Tigidius, the father of Julia Aesiva, a woman buried at Augusta Treverorum in Gallia Belgica, in a tomb dedicated by her husband, Speratius Socralis.[13] Tigidia Sex. f. Accepta, buried at Firmum Picenum in Picenum.[14] Notes  So according to Herodian and the Historia Augusta, but Cassius Dio has a more favourable opinion, reporting that Perennis had been a powerful restraining influence on Commodus, and that his chief fault was in failing to intercede on behalf of his colleague, Paternus. See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, pp. 189, 190 ("Perennis").  Chase, pp. 121, 122.  CIL X, 4636.  CIL IX, 6170.  Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia, ii. 654.  AE 1997, 477.  Lampridius, "The Life of Commodus", 4–6, 14; Capitolinus, "The Life of Pertinax", 3.  Herodian, i. 8. §§ 1, 2, 8; i. 9.  Cassius Dio, lxxii. 9–11.  AE 1961, 142.  PIR, vol. III, pp. 316, 317 (T, No. 146).  CIL III, 2560.  Finke, "Neue Inschriften", 44.  CIL IX, 5413. Bibliography Lucius Cassius Dio, Roman History. Herodianus, Tes Meta Marcon Basileas Istoria (History of the Empire from the Death of Marcus Aurelius). Aelius Lampridius, Aelius Spartianus, Flavius Vopiscus, Julius Capitolinus, Trebellius Pollio, and Vulcatius Gallicanus, Historia Augusta (Lives of the Emperors). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Hermann Finke, "Neue Inschriften", in Berichte der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, vol. xvii, pp. 1–107, 198–231 (1927). Anna and Jaroslav Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX repertae et editae sunt (Inscriptions from Yugoslavia Found and Published between 1940 and 1960), Ljubljana (1963–1986). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tigidio – Ossia: Grice e Tigidio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tigidio -- For the Tigidii, there is really one overwhelmingly Gricean candidate:  Sextus Tigidius Perennis, praetorian prefect under Commodus. [GREXv3 | Word]  Why? Because the ancient sources disagree about him. According to the summary you provide:  Herodian and the Historia Augusta present Perennis as a manipulator who encouraged Commodus to pursue pleasure and thereby concentrated power in his own hands. [GREXv3 | Word] Cassius Dio, however, is noticeably more favorable, describing him as a restraining influence on Commodus and criticizing him chiefly for failing to defend his colleague Paternus. [GREXv3 | Word]  That is almost a textbook case of what Grice would call the distinction between:  what happened, what is reported, what is implicated by the report.  A Speranzian vignette:  (*) HISTORICVS A. Perennis rem publicam corrupit. (Perennis corrupted the state.) HISTORICVS B. Perennis rem publicam continuit. (Perennis held the state together.) QUAESTOR. Uter verum dicit? (Which one speaks truly?) +> Different descriptions of the same conduct may encode different evaluations while referring to the same events.  Very Gricean.  There is also a pleasant connection to your earlier discussion of pax. Perennis allegedly persuaded Commodus to devote himself to pleasure while he conducted government. [GREXv3 | Word] One historian's description:  "usurpation of power."  Another's:  "maintenance of stability."  The political vocabulary itself becomes contestable. Just as:  pax  may mean  negotiated peace  or  the condition resulting from victory,  so  "guiding the emperor"  may mean  wise administration  or  manipulation.  The lexical item is less important than the dossier attached to it.  A secondary candidate might be Tigidius Communius simply because of the striking cognomen Communius. [GREXv3 | Word] For Grice's philosophy of conversation, communis and common ground are never far away:  (*) QUID EST COLLOQUIUM? (What is conversation?) TIGIDIVS COMMVNIVS. Quaerere quod commune est. (To seek what is common.) +> Conversation depends upon shared assumptions.  But that is admittedly a Speranzian fantasy. Historically, Perennis is the more substantial figure. A final gloss:  The Tigidii contribute a prefect about whom the sources themselves disagree. Perennis thus becomes an excellent reminder that historical understanding often requires distinguishing the event from the description of the event. Grice would have called that the beginning of philosophical vigilance. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tilgher – Ossia: Grice e Tilgher: la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale degl’orecchie dell’aquila – italo-tedesco -- il relativismo filosofico Note sugli Studi sul teatro moderno. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice. Adriano Tilgher (Resina, Ercolano, Napoli, Campania): la ragione conversazionale e l’implicatura conversazionale degl’orecchie dell’aquila – In Grice’s theory of reason‑governed conversational meaning, what speakers convey beyond literal sentence meaning is explained through conversational implicature, which presupposes rational cooperation and an audience capable of reconstructing the reasons that make an utterance appropriate and intelligible in context. Adriano Tilgher approaches conversational reason from a more historical, cultural, and pluralistic angle: his philosophical relativism and his reflections on style, theatre, and modern culture emphasize that meaning is never fixed once and for all but always filtered through perspectives, forms of life, and interpretive stances. Whereas Grice seeks to stabilize conversational understanding by appealing to general principles of rational cooperation that underwrite inference across contexts, Tilgher foregrounds the instability and multiplicity of meanings, suggesting that what is “heard” in discourse—his metaphorical “eagle’s ears”—depends on the listener’s attunement to competing forms, values, and historical situations. The comparison thus reveals Grice as offering a normative, analytic account of how reason governs implicature in ordinary conversation, while Tilgher represents a critical and relativistic counterpart, for whom conversational reason is inseparable from cultural pluralism, stylistic choice, and the contingent conditions that shape how utterances acquire significance rather than from universal maxims alone. -- italo-tedesco -- il relativismo filosofico –  la scuola di Resina -- filosofia campagnese -- filosofia italiana – Grice italo  (Resìna). Abstract. Keywords: le orecchie dell’aquila, lo spccio del bestione trionfante.. Nacque a Resìna, l’odierna Ercolano, in provincia di Napoli, da Achille, un vetraio di origine tedesca, e da Rosa Eufrasia Oteau -- cognome ch’è spesso italianizzato in Ottò.  Dopo le scuole elementari, si trasferì a Napoli. Mentre frequenta il liceo classico Vico conosce Livia De Paolis, che sposa.  In quegli anni T. matura una passione per la filosofia e per la letteratura, e si avvicina a Croce, che frequenta assiduamente e considera un vero e proprio maestro, come mostrano i suoi primi lavori. In realtà, non si tratta di un rapporto destinato a durare a lungo.  Dopo la laurea in giurisprudenza a Napoli, con Salvioli, docente di storia del diritto italiano, T. vinse un concorso per l’incarico di aiutobibliotecario, e prese servizio presso la Biblioteca nazionale di Torino -- lettere a Croce, in Carteggio Croce-Tilgher.  Passati i primi mesi, la lontananza dalla sua città e dai suoi affetti si trasforma in angoscia, e T. chiede aiuto a Croce per ottenere il trasferimento a una sede più vicina. Dopo mesi di scambi epistolari incentrati sullo stesso tema – e nei quali T. era divenuto decisamente pressante – il filosofo interruppe le comunicazioni. È comunque riuscito a ottenere il trasferimento di T.  alla Biblioteca Alessandrina di Roma, che avvenne.  Dal Carteggio risulta, inoltre, che T. non era puntuale nel rispettare gli impegni editoriali, determinando il disappunto e l’insofferenza del suo interlocutore, che fa della disciplina una ragione di vita. Lo stesso T., del resto, si risentì di fronte alle critiche di Croce al suo Arte, conoscenza e realtà. Croce era convinto – come scrive a Gentile – che il suo amico avrebbe dovuto dedicarsi alla storia della filosofia per acquisire quel metodo e quella maturità scientifica. le orecchie dell'aquila, lo spaccio del bestione trionfante.  Grice: Caro Tilgher, permettimi una curiosità: ma Gentile, quando sentiva quel "gh" nel tuo cognome, non pensava forse che suonasse un po’ troppo “unno” per le sue orecchie così raffinate d’italico filosofo? Magari temeva che ti fossi presentato a Roma con le orecchie dell’aquila e la spada di Attila! Tilgher: Ah, Grice! In effetti Gentile, col suo spirito tutto latino, mi guardava come se avessi nidificato aquile in biblioteca invece di libri! Ma ti confesso che, se proprio devo scegliere, preferisco le “orecchie dell’aquila” alle orecchie d’asino di certi critici! Grice: Che immagine! Vedi, in Inghilterra diciamo che chi ha le orecchie troppo grandi sente anche quello che non dovrebbe... Ma tu, con quelle d’aquila, riuscivi a captare le nuvole del relativismo e pure i sospiri di Croce quando tardavi con un manoscritto! Tilgher: Proprio così! Anche se, a volte, sentivo persino la voce del “bestion trionfante” che mi suggeriva di prendere la vita con un pizzico di ironia. E poi, caro Grice, meglio un cognome da aquila che una mente da gallina! Tilgher, Adriano (1921). Studi sul teatro. Roma: Edizioni della Voce

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tillio – Ossia: Grice e Tillio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tillio. The gens Tillia, occasionally written Tilia, was a minor plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens are mentioned in history, but others are known from inscriptions.[1]  Origin The nomen Tillius did not originate at Rome, but appears to belong to one of the languages of northern Italy, such as Umbrian, or the languages of the Picentes or the Sabines.[2] The nomen is frequently confused with the more common Tullius, which for this reason is sometimes substituted for it.[3]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Tillii were Marcus, Lucius, Gaius, and Publius, four of the most common names at all periods of Roman history. The remainder mostly used other common surnames, including Publius, Gnaeus, and Titus. The name Decimus is also found in a filiation.  Branches and cognomina The most famous cognomen of the Tillia gens was Cimber, borne by at least one, perhaps several members of a family that gained prominence in the Roman state toward the end of the Republic. This surname originally referred to one of the Cimbri, a Gaulish or Germanic people who fought against the Romans in Gaul and Spain at the end of the second century BC.[4] Although such names frequently indicated the descent of the first bearer, it could also be that the cognomen was obtained by someone who in appearance or character was thought to resemble one of the Cimbri.  Another family of the Tillii bore the cognomen Rufus, one of the most common Latin surnames. Meaning "red" or "reddish", this name was typically bestowed on someone with red hair, although it might be inherited by a person's descendants without respect to the actual colour of their hair.[5]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gnaeus Tillius, one of the aediles at Arpinum in Latium, responsible for building a tower and wall, dating between the middle of the second century BC, and the end of the first.[6] Quintus Tillius Cimber,[i] a legate serving under Caesar during the Civil War in 48 BC. Caesar sent him, together with Lucius Canuleius, to acquire grain from Epirus.[7][8] Lucius Tillius Cimber, praetor circa 45 BC, and the following year one of Caesar's assassins. At first a supporter of Caesar, Cimber joined the conspiracy against him for reasons that are not entirely clear. On the day of the murder, Cimber personally obstructed Caesar, first with a petition, then by seizing his garments, allowing the other assassins to strike. As governor of Bithynia and Pontus, Cimber raised a fleet,[ii] with which he supported his fellow conspirators Brutus and Cassius during their campaign in Macedonia.[10][11][12][13] Tillia Cn. f., buried at Iguvium in Umbria, in a tomb dating from the latter half of the first century BC.[14] Lucius Tillius L. l. Dionisius, a freedman buried at Dyrrachium in Macedonia, in a tomb dating between the middle of the first century BC and the middle of the first century AD.[15] Tilia C. l. Flora, a freedwoman named in an inscription from Atina in Latium, along with a freedman and two freedwomen of the Pomponii, dating between the reign of Augustus and the middle of the first century AD.[16] Marcus Tillius M. l. Silo, one of several freedmen named in an inscription from Rome, dating between 5 BC and AD 5.[17] Gaius Tillius L. f., buried at Pompeii in Campania, in a family sepulchre built by his grandson, Lucius Tillius Rufus. His son, Gaius Tillius Rufus, was a duumvir and aedile at Arpinum, and grandsons Lucius and Gaius Tillius Rufus were military tribunes in the Legio X Equestris.[18][19] Gaius Tillius C. f. L. n. Rufus, a duumvir and aedile at Arpinum, was buried at Pompeii, along with his wife, Fadia, father, Gaius Tillius, and son, Gaius Tillius Rufus, in a family sepulchre built by his son, Lucius Tillius Rufus. Both sons were military tribunes in the Legio X Equestris.[18][19] Lucius Tillius C. f. C. n. Rufus, a former military tribune with the Legio X Equestris, was one of the duumvirs at Pompeii. He built a family sepulchre for his father, Gaius Cornelius Rufus, who had been duumvir and aedile at Arpinum; mother, Fadia; grandfather, Gaius Tillius; and brother, Gaius Tillius Rufus, a military tribune with the Legio X Equestris.[18][19] Gaius Tillius C. f. C. n. Rufus, a military tribune with the Legio X Equestris, was buried in a family sepulchre built by his brother, Lucius Tillius Rufus, at Pompeii, for Gaius, his parents, Gaius Tillius Rufus and Fadia, and grandfather, Gaius Tillius. His brother was also a military tribune in the same legion, and later one of the duumvirs of Pompeii, while their father had been duumvir and aedile at Arpinum.[18][19] Marcus Tillius M. l. Secunus, a freedman buried at Brundisium in Calabria, aged thirty-five, in a tomb dating between the late first century BC, and the middle of the first century AD. Gaius Tillius, buried at Larinum in Samnium, in a tomb built by his son, Lucius Tillius Trassa, dating from the early first century, along with his wife, Obinia, son, Gaius Tillius, grandson, Lucius Tillius, and Castrica, perhaps his granddaughter.[20] Lucius Tillius C. f. Trassa, a centurion, built a tomb at Larinum, dating from the early first century, for his parents, Gaius Tillius and Obinia, brother, Gaius Tillius, son, Lucius Tillius, and Castricia, perhaps his daughter.[20] Gaius Tillius C. f., the son of Gaius Tillius and Obinia, with whom he was buried in an early first-century tomb at Larinum, built by his brother, Lucius Tillius Trassa, for their parents, Gaius, his nephew Lucius Tillius, and Castricia, perhaps his niece.[20] Lucius Tillius L. f. C. n, the son of Lucius Tillius Trassa, buried in an early first-century family sepulchre at Larinum, along with his grandparents, Lucius Tillius and Obinia, uncle, Gaius Tillius, and Castricia, perhaps his sister.[20] Marcus Tillius Blastus, buried at Casilinum in Campania in a tomb built by Tillia Psyche, dating to the first half of the first century.[21] Tillia Psyche,[iii] built a tomb at Casilinum, dating to the first half of the first century, for Marcus Tillius Blastus.[21] Marcus Tillius, named in an inscription from Rome, dating from the first half of the first century.[22] Marcus Tillius P. f., built a monument at Atina to Titus Helvius Basila, who had been aedile, praetor, and governor of Galatia late in the reign of Tiberius.[23] Tillia, buried at Venafrum in Samnium, along with Gaius Teius Capito, and Lucius Maius Paetus, in a tomb built by one of her children, dating from the early or middle part of the first century.[24] Publius Tillius Dexiades, a freedman, built a sepulchre at Nuceria in Campania, dating from the early or middle part of the first century, for himself, his colliberta,[iv] Syrtis, and the freedwoman Harmonia.[25] Tillius, a potter whose maker's mark was found on a first-century piece of pottery from Virunum in Noricum.[26] Marcus Tillius Amisenus, buried in a first-century tomb at Venafrum.[27] Marcus Tillius Eros, named in a first-century inscription from Venafrum, along with Marcus Tilius Theuda, Felicio, Vitellia Callistes, Tillia Tertia, Marcus Tillius Gallus, Marcus Tillius Salvius, and Marcus Tillius Rufus.[28] Marcus Tillius Gallus, named in a first-century inscription from Venafrum, along with Marcus Tilius Eros, Felicio, Vitellia Callistes, Tillia Tertia, Marcus Tillius Theuda, Marcus Tillius Salvius, and Marcus Tillius Rufus.[28] Marcus Tillius [...]mus, buried in a first-century tomb at Venafrum.[29] Tillia Primulla, the daughter of Nymphodotus, buried in a first-century tomb at Ammaedara in Africa Proconsularis, aged fifty.[30] Tillius Faustillus, buried at Cales in Campania, in a first-century tomb built by Tillia Prisca for herself and Faustillus.[31] Tillia Prisca, built a first-century tomb at Cales for herself and Tillius Faustillus.[31] Marcus Tillius Rufus, named in a first-century inscription from Venafrum, along with Marcus Tilius Eros, Felicio, Vitellia Callistes, Tillia Tertia, Marcus Tillius Theuda, Marcus Tillius Salvius, and Marcus Tillius Gallus.[28] Titus Tillius T. f. Sabinus, a centurion in the twelfth Urban Cohort at Rome, named in a first-century inscription, along with his concubine, Caninia Musa, and sister-in-law, Postumia Phyllis.[32] Marcus Tillius Salvius, named in a first-century inscription from Venafrum, along with Marcus Tilius Eros, Felicio, Vitellia Callistes, Tillia Tertia, Marcus Tillius Theuda, Marcus Tillius Eros, and Marcus Tillius Rufus.[28] Tillia Tertia, named in a first-century inscription from Venafrum, along with Marcus Tilius Eros, Felicio, Vitellia Callistes, Marcus Tillius Theuda, Marcus Tillius Gallus, Marcus Tillius Salvius, and Marcus Tillius Rufus.[28] Marcus Tillius Theuda, named in a first-century inscription from Venafrum, along with Marcus Tilius Eros, Felicio, Vitellia Callistes, Tillia Tertia, Marcus Tillius Gallus, Marcus Tillius Salvius, and Marcus Tillius Rufus.[28] Publius Tillius P. l. Dioscurus, one of the Seviri Augustales, buried at Aeclanum in Samnium, in the middle part of the first century.[33] Gaius Tillius M. f. Vital[...], a soldier buried in a mid-first-century tomb at Hasta in Liguria.[34] Quintus Tillius Eryllus, one of the officials at Larinum in Samnium, in an inscription dating from the middle or later part of the first century, along with Tillius Sassius, perhaps the member of the Arval Brethren.[35] Tilia, dedicated a tomb at Valentia in Sardinia, dating from the latter half of the first century, for her husband, I[...]us Barecis, aged fifty-one.[36] Quintus Tillius Sassius, a magistrate of the Arval Brethren at Rome, named in inscriptions dating from AD 62 to 91. He might be the same person named along with Quintus Tillius Eryllus in an inscription from Larinum.[37][35][38] Lucius Tillius L. f. R[...], buried in a first- or second-century tomb at the present site of Montaquila, formerly part of Samnium, along with his wife, Maia Prisca.[39] Quintus Tillius Figulianus, buried in a tomb at Rome, dating between the middle of the first century and the middle of the second, built by Magnia Tyche for herself, Figulianus, Titus Magnius Anicetus, and Titus Magnius Euthychus.[40] Tillia M. l. Stacte, a freedwoman named in an inscription from Rome, dating between the middle of the first century and the middle of the second.[41] Tillius D. l. Tertius, a freedman named along with his colliberta, Athenais, in an inscription from Rome dating between the middle of the first century and the middle of the second.[42] Tillia Bremusa, buried at Rome, in a tomb built by Marcus Furius Charito, dating between the middle of the first century, and the end of the second.[43] Marcus Tillius Celerianus, a youth buried at Rome, aged fourteen, in a tomb built by his mother, Tillia Philomene, dating between the late first century and the middle of the second.[44] Tillia Philomene, built a tomb at Rome, dating between the late first century and the middle of the second, for her son, Marcus Tillius Celerianus.[44] Tillia Q. f. Faustina, built a second-century tomb at Venafrum for her father, Quintus Tillius Faustus.[45] Quintus Tillius Faustus, buried in a second-century tomb at Venafrum, built by his daughter, Tillia Faustina.[45] Tillia Sarnia, the wife of Quintus Cassius Januarius, and mother of Quintus Cassius Martialis and Cassia Ostiensia. Her daughter built a second-century family sepulchre at Ostia for herself, her parents, and her brother.[46] Lucius Tillius Restitutus, one of the quattuorviri at Aesernia in Samnium, in an uncertain year during the reign of Antoninus Pius.[47] Tillia Eleusina, a freedwoman, built a tomb at Rome, dating from the middle part of the second century, for her husband, Quintus Tillius Verecundus.[48] Quintus Tillius Verecundus, buried in a mid-second-century tomb at Rome, built by his wife, the freedwoman Tillia Eleusina.[48] Marcus Tillius Januarius, dedicated a tomb at Rufrae in Samnium, dating from the middle or later part of the second century, for his wife, Herennia Afrodisia.[49] Tilius, built a tomb at Ammaedara in Africa Proconsularis for his daughter, Tilia Concordia, dating between the middle of the second century and the middle of the third. He might be the same Tilius buried along with Concordia.[50] Tilia Concordia, buried at Ammaedara, aged seventeen years, thirty days, in a tomb built by her father, Tilius, dating between the middle of the second century and the middle of the third.[50] Tillia Eutychia, buried at Venafrum in Samnium, in a tomb built by Tillius Primus, dating between the middle of the second century and the middle of the third.[51] Tillius Primus, built a tomb at Venafrum, dating between the middle of the second century and the middle of the third, for Tillia Eutychia.[51] Marcus Tillius M. f. Rufus, a native of Atina, was a centurion primus pilus, who had served in the twelfth urban cohort, the first cohort of the vigiles, the Legio XX Valeria Victrix and the Legio XXII Primigenia, named in inscriptions from Atina in AD 208, and Mogontiacum in Germania Superior in 213.[52] Tillius, named in a fourth-century inscription from Rome.[53] Undated Tillii Tiliia, built a tomb at Atina for her husband, Marcus Aerius.[54] Tillia, dedicated a monument at Atina for Marcus Vibul[...].[55] Tilius, buried at Forum Julii in Gallia Narbonensis.[56] Tillius, one of the heirs of Opidius, according to an inscription from Rome.[57] Lucius Tillius, named in an inscription from Nomentum in Latium.[58] Lucius Tillius, named in an inscription from Interamna Lirenas in Latium.[59] Tillius Bassus, built a tomb at Rome for his infant daughter, Felicissima, aged one year, eight months, and ten days.[60] Gaius Tillius C. l. Cali[...], a freedman buried in a sepulchre built by the freedman Gaius Tillius Sabda at Atina for himself, Cali[...], and the freedwoman Tillia Hetaera.[61] Tilius Canpanus, buried at Rusicade in Numidia, aged twenty-three.[62] Tillia Ɔ. l Chelido, a freedwoman, dedicated a sepulchre at Atina for the family of the freedman Paccius.[63] Marcus Tillius M. f. For[...], named in a sepulchral inscription from Atina.[64] Tillia C. l. Hetaera, a freedwoman buried in a sepulchre at Atina, built by the freedman Gaius Tillius Sabda for himself, Hetaera, and the freedman Gaius Tillius Cali[...].[61] Gnaeus Tillius Hym[...], built a tomb at Casinum in Latium for Lucceia Saturni[...].[65] Tilius Impetratus, buried at Ammaedara, aged thirty-five, along with his young daughter, Tilia Stercula.[66] Tillia M. l. Lucceia, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, along with Marcus Tillius Phanias.[67] Tilia Materona, buried in a family sepulchre at Madaurus in Africa Proconsularis, aged twenty-three, along with Otacilia Bella, aged sixty-six. The tomb might have been built by Otacilia Kasta and Otacilius Titor, or they might also be buried there.[68] Tillia Cn. f. Paulla, buried at Narbo in Gallia Narbonensis, along with Titus Sertorius Turpio.[69] Marcus Tillius M. l. Phanias, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, along with Tillia Lucceia.[67] Tilia Prepusa, a little girl buried at Rome, aged six.[70] Tillia M. l. Prima, a freedwoman buried at Aquinum in Latium, along with the freedman and Sevir, Statius Vibius Andricus, apparently her husband.[71] Publius Tillius T. f. Quintio, named in an inscription from Carteia in Hispania Baetica.[72] Lucius Tillius L. f. R[...], named in an inscription from Volturnum in Campania, along with his wife, Maia Prisca.[73] Gaius Tillius C. l. Sabda, a freedman, dedicated a tomb at Atina for himself, the freedman Gaius Tillius Cali[...], and the freedwoman Tillia Hetaera.[61] Tilia C. f. Secunda, buried at Ateste in Venetia and Histria.[74] Tilia Stercula, a little girl buried at Ammaedara, aged four, along with her father, Tilius Impetratus.[66] Tilius Terentianus, named in an inscription from Rome.[75] Notes  So named in Magistrates of the Roman Republic, but unclear whether he is thought to be the brother of Lucius who was expelled from the senate and exiled; Pauly-Wissowa does not assign him a surname, or consider him the brother.  According to the letters of the so-called Pseudo-Brutus to Cicero, Cimber inflicted a defeat upon the consul Dolabella.[9]  Spelled "Phsuche" in the original.  Colliberta: a woman freed on the same occasion (as Dexiades). See also List of Roman gentes References  PW, "Tillius".  Chase, p. 129.  Nicolaus Damascenus, The Life of Augustus, 24.  Cassell's Latin and English Dictionary, s.v. Cimber.  Chase, p. 110.  CIL X, 5682.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, iii. 42.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 282.  Pseudo-Brutus, i. 6.  Cicero, Philippicae, ii. 11. Ad Familiares, vi. 12.  Seneca, De Ira, iii. 30; Epistulae, lxxxiii. 11.  Appian, Bellum Civile, iv. 102, 105.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 307, 330, 349, 366.  CIL XI, 5904.  AE 2009, 1249.  AE 1981, 215.  AE 1964, 74a.  CIL X, 8148.  Borelli, Un Impegno per Pompei, 17OS.  AE 1997, 365.  Ephemeris Epigraphica, viii. 1, 504.  CIL VI, 33659.  CIL X, 5057.  CIL X, 4997.  AE 1982, 180.  Gerstl, Supplementum Epigraphicum, 208.  CIL X, 5002.  CIL X, 5004.  CIL X, 5001.  AE 2013, 1974.  CIL X, 4367.  CIL VI, 32734.  CIL IX, 1197.  CIL V, 7559.  CIL IX, 2827.  Corda, Iscrizioni latine della Sardegna, 634.  CIL VI, 2043.  AE 2013, 390.  CIL IX, 6818.  CIL VI, 21852.  CIL VI, 33660.  CIL VI, 5478.  CIL VI, 27418.  AE 1977, 72.  CIL X, 5003.  CIL XIV, 780.  CIL IX, 2655.  AE 1988, 151.  AE 2014, 331.  AE 2013, 2002.  CIL X, 4889.  CIL X, 5064, CIL XIII, 6762.  ICUR, iv. 10976b.  CIL X, 5115.  CIL X, 5123.  CIL XII, 310.  Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 1926-46.  CIL XIV, 3986.  AE 1988, 247.  CIL VI, 17802.  CIL X, 5114.  CIL VIII, 8613.  CIL X, 5112.  CIL X, 5113.  CIL X, 5259.  Wilmanns, Inscriptiones Africae Latinae, 176,9.  CIL VI, 27417.  Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, 2646.  CIL XII, 5135.  CIL VI, 27419.  CIL X, 5424.  CIL II, 1930.  AE 2002, 393.  Pais, Supplementa Italica, 548.  CIL VI, 13210. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, Philippicae. Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Civili (Commentaries on the Civil War). Nicolaus Damascenus, The Life of Augustus. Lucius Annaeus Seneca (Seneca the Younger), De Ira (On Anger); Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium (Moral Letters to Lucilius). Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Giovanni Battista de Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romanae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores (Christian Inscriptions from Rome of the First Seven Centuries, abbreviated ICUR), Vatican Library, Rome (1857–1861, 1888). Wilhelm Henzen, Ephemeris Epigraphica: Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementum (Journal of Inscriptions: Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, abbreviated EE), Institute of Roman Archaeology, Rome (1872–1913). Gustav Wilmanns, Inscriptiones Africae Latinae (Latin Inscriptions from Africa), Georg Reimer, Berlin (1881). Ettore Pais, Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementa Italica (Italian Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum), Rome (1884). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). August Pauly, Georg Wissowa, et alii, Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Scientific Encyclopedia of the Knowledge of Classical Antiquities, abbreviated RE or PW), J. B. Metzler, Stuttgart (1894–1980). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Anna Gerstl, Supplementum Epigraphicum zu CIL III für Kärnten und Osttirol (Epigraphic Supplement to CIL III for Carinthia and East Tyrol), Vienna, (1902–1961). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana (Journal of Christian Archaeology), Pontificia Commissio de Sacra Archaeologia, Rome (1924–present). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952–1986). D.P. Simpson, Cassell's Latin and English Dictionary, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York (1963). Licia Vlad Borelli, Un Impegno per Pompei, Mailand (1983). Antonio M. Corda, Concordanze delle iscrizioni latine della Sardegna (Concordance of the Latin Inscriptions of Sardinia, abbreviated SRD), Ortacesus (2014). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tillio – Ossia: Grice e Tillio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tillio. For the Tillii, there is one figure who almost compels a Gricean treatment:  Lucius Tillius Cimber, one of Caesar's assassins. [GREXv3 | Word]  The reason is not merely historical but conversational. According to the tradition summarized in your material, on the Ides of March it is Cimber who initiates the final approach to Caesar:  he presents a petition, he physically detains Caesar, he seizes or pulls at Caesar's garment, thereby creating the opening for the others to strike. [GREXv3 | Word]  In modern speech-act terms, a petition is supposed to be:  a request.  But in the conspiracy it functions as:  a signal.  The overt act and the intended act diverge. A Grice-Speranza vignette almost writes itself:  (*) CIMBER. Libellum porrigo. (I present a petition.) CAESAR. Quid petis? (What do you ask?) CIMBER. Aliud ostendo, aliud ago. (I display one act, I perform another.) +> The publicly avowed purpose of an utterance need not coincide with its operative function.  That is very close to Grice's distinction between what an utterance says and what it is used to accomplish.  The name "Cimber" The cognomen is itself interesting. As your source notes, Cimber originally referred to one of the Cimbri, the northern people who famously fought Rome. The cognomen might indicate ancestry, appearance, or merely a perceived resemblance. [GREXv3 | Word] That gives a second Gricean theme:  descriptive origin versus inherited designation.  By Caesar's day, "Cimber" is functioning as a name regardless of whether the bearer has any connection with the actual Cimbri. A familiar Speranzian problem:  When does a description stop describing and start naming?   And a special connection with Grice You mention Grice's fascination with finis. Interestingly, Cimber appears in precisely the sort of world that obsessed Cicero, Caesar, and later Grice:  petitions, intentions, political representation, public acts whose apparent purpose differs from their effective purpose.  The assassination scene is almost the inverse of the Apsus parley. At Apsus:  conversation appears genuine and turns into violence.  With Cimber:  a petition appears conversational but is already violence in preparation.   A second candidate If I were compiling Grice e Speranza: Tillii, I would at least mention Quintus Tillius Cimber, Caesar's legate sent to acquire grain in Epirus during the Civil War. [GREXv3 | Word] For Grice, the notion of a legate is philosophically rich:  one person speaking and acting for another.  Just as in your discussion of Vatinius and Labienus, a collective or commander cannot literally converse with every relevant party; a representative does so on his behalf.  Speranza's gloss  The Tillii contribute the most famous petition in Roman history. Tillius Cimber approached Caesar ostensibly as a petitioner. The petition was genuine as an utterance, but not as a purpose. Philosophers of language call this a divergence between apparent and operative function. Romans called it the Ides of March. [GREXv3 | Word] Indeed, and I think Abbott makes fun of the tragic incident, implying that Cimber was about to fall, and grabbed Giulio's toga, pushing it down. Indeed, for Grice, the act here is between Cimber and the other conspirators -- but one wonders how much precision was needed. The time was set -- the occasion was there -- the will was there -- Cimber provides a distraction, more than a 'signal' proper --. In contingency planning, had NOT Cimber trembled and grabbed Giulio's toga down, the conspirators WOULD STILL HAVE ATTACKED one would suppose. It would have been a total change of scenario that could have prevented Giulio's death -- say, the pretorian guard running to Giulio when they see Cimber approaching -- and thus paralysing the conpirators. If it was planned, there is Griceian meaning -- if it just occurred to Cimber to offer the petition and the conspirators found the distraction opportune it is another thing -- Plus, how would we know? Unless you are inside Cimber's 'head' how do we know what he 'meant' if anything? From a prae-historic Peirceian perspective on which Grice bases his analysis of communication, the 'sign' here by Cimber is addressed to the conspirators -- so the triadic becomes tetradic -- 'He is distracted' being the content of the message intended by Cimber to be communicated to the conspirators, by grabbing the toga: the four elements S(1, 2, 3, 4) of significare then being, toga-grabbing (the sign itself), 'that Giulio is distracted' -- the content or semantic of the sign --; the signifier meaning he who signifies, Cimber, and the addressee or interpretant, the conspirators. Thanks Yes, and this is precisely where a Gricean analysis becomes delicate. What we know from the historical tradition is fairly modest. Lucius Tillius Cimber approached Julius Caesar with a petition and then seized or pulled at his garment, whereupon the attack began. The sources describe the physical sequence, but they do not give us direct access to Cimber's intentions. [GREXv3 | Word] Grice would insist on the distinction between:  what happened, what was intended, what was understood.  These are three different questions. The stronger Gricean reading The classic Gricean reconstruction is:  Cimber pulls the toga intending the conspirators to recognize that the moment for action has arrived.  Then we have something like genuine non-verbal meaning. In Grice's idiom:  Cimber intends the conspirators to recognize his intention, and intends that recognition to help produce their response.  That looks very close to meaningful signaling.  The weaker reading Your alternative seems equally plausible. Suppose:  the conspiracy is already fixed, everybody knows the time and place, everybody is armed and waiting, everybody is committed.  Then the toga-pull need not function as a signal at all. It may simply function as:  distraction, obstruction, physical positioning.  The conspirators were going to attack anyway. In that case the act is more tactical than communicative. The difference is crucial. A cavalry officer raising a flag because it is the agreed signal:  communication.  A cavalry officer tripping the enemy commander:  tactics.  Cimber's gesture may contain elements of both.  Peirce and the tetradic version Your Peircean formulation is attractive. One could represent it as:  Sign vehicle: toga-grabbing. Object/content: "Caesar is now vulnerable" or "the moment has arrived." Interpreter: the conspirators. Sign-user: Cimber.  That yields the tetradic structure you propose. But notice what Grice would immediately ask:  Did Cimber intend the conspirators to recognize the act as a sign?  If yes, we have Gricean meaning. If no, then the conspirators merely exploit an observable event.  The epistemological problem And here your strongest point appears:  How would we know?  Precisely. Grice's theory ultimately depends upon intentions. But intentions are not directly observable. We infer them from:  prior planning, conventions, testimony, circumstances.  We are not "inside Cimber's head." Therefore we cannot simply read meaning off the physical action. The action underdetermines the intention. A very Gricean conclusion would be:  The toga-pull is certainly evidence. Whether it was a signal, a distraction, a spontaneous movement, or some combination of the three depends upon an attribution of intention that no surviving source can conclusively verify.   Abbott's comic version Abbott's theatrical suggestion, that Cimber effectively stumbles, grabs the toga, and nearly brings it down by accident, is philosophically useful because it shows how little the physical movement itself determines the meaning. Exactly the same bodily motion could be interpreted as:  accident, nervousness, tactical distraction, pre-arranged signal, assault.  The observable event remains constant. The attributed intention changes. That is almost a textbook Gricean lesson. As Speranza might put it:  The conspirators needed Caesar distracted; they did not necessarily need Cimber's gesture to mean that Caesar was distracted. The event could function causally without functioning communicatively. The philosopher's problem begins when we ask whether the conspirators acted because Caesar's attention was diverted or because they recognized Cimber's intention that they should act. That is where tactics ends and meaning begins.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Timpanaro – Ossia: Grice e Timpanaro: la ragione conversazionale -- filosofia italiana. Note sugli Studi di filologia e storia. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice, Sebastiano Timpanaro (Parma) junior: la ragione conversazionale -- In Grice’s theory of reason‑governed conversational meaning, what a speaker communicates beyond the literal content of an utterance is explained through implicature, derived from the assumption that interlocutors are rational agents cooperating according to shared norms that make an utterance intelligible as a reasonable move in conversation. Sebastiano Timpanaro approaches an analogous problem from the side of philology and historical criticism: his work on textual transmission, on Lehmann’s method, and on Leopardi is guided by the idea that meaning emerges from disciplined attention to material detail, error, and correction, rather than from idealized intentional coherence alone. Where Grice emphasizes rational inference by hearers reconstructing speaker intentions under conversational principles, Timpanaro stresses the limits of intentional control, showing how meaning is shaped by objective constraints, mechanical mistakes, and historical processes that escape conscious design. The comparison thus highlights Grice as developing a normative theory of conversational rationality focused on inference and cooperation in living discourse, while Timpanaro represents a materialist and historically grounded counterpart, in which rational understanding depends less on ideal conversational maxims than on a critical method that accounts for the concrete conditions under which texts and meanings are produced, transmitted, and sometimes distorted. Grice: I like him. Leopardi. Filosofo -- è stato un filologo classico, saggista e critico letterario italiano. M. Firenze. Lapide che commemora le vicine case di Pisa dove vissero T. senior, Maria Timpanaro Cardini e T.  junior -- Pisa, via San Paolo. Figlio di T. senior e di Maria Timpanaro Cardini, studia a Firenze col celebre filologo classico PASQUALI (vedasi, membro tra l'altro dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e della British Academy.  Scelse di rifiutare la carriera di insegnamento universitario, senza tuttavia rinunciare a un'attività scientifica davvero imponente, indirizzata verso la filologia latina, la letteratura italiana e alcuni grandi temi filosofici: il marxismo, il materialismo e la psicoanalisi freudiana.  S'impegna anche in politica, militando inizialmente nella sinistra interna del Partito Socialista Italiano; aderì al Psiup e al Pdup. In seguito, rimanendo coerente con le sue idee leniniste, guarda con interesse al progetto di Rifondazione Comunista, senza però mai iscriversi al partito. È sepolto nel Cimitero Monumentale della Misericordia dell'Antella, Comune di Bagno a Ripoli, provincia di Firenze. Timpanaro e Lachmann Nella fondamentale monografia La genesi del metodo del Lachmann, T. ripercorre i lineamenti di storia della filologia, con particolare riferimento alle molteplici intuizioni e agli spunti che hanno preceduto l'opera di Lachmann e a cui lo studioso tedesco aveva poi dato una sistematica e organica formulazione; ancor oggi il cosiddetto metodo di Lachmann, pur rivisitato nel corso dei decenni, rimane basilare per approntare l'edizione critica di un testo, soprattutto di un autore latino o greco.  Timpanaro e L'infinito In un articolo intitolato Di alcune falsificazioni di scritti leopardiani, T. ha fornito la dimostrazione che i tre abbozzi de L'infinito di LEOPARDI , pubblicati in Tutte le opere, a cura di Francesco Flora, Milano, Mondadori Editore, sono in realtà dei falsi.  Opere La filologia di Leopardi, Firenze, Le Monnier.  G: “Timpanaro begins in 1945 with Ennius. That is a good age at which to begin: young enough for audacity, old enough for footnotes.” S: “And under bombs, more or less.” G: “Yes. Other men grabbed rifles; the Italians grabbed fragments.” S: “That is unfair.” G: “Only if one thinks Ennius less worth rescuing than Europe. Timpanaro seems to have thought the two enterprises adjacent.” S: “You are in a mood.” G: “Philology encourages it. One is always told one is doing something merely preparatory, and then one discovers that civilisation hangs from a damaged line in Nonius.” S: “So Timpanaro in 1945 writes Per una nuova edizione critica di Ennio. The very title sounds half modest, half insurgent.” G: “Exactly. ‘Per una nuova edizione’ means, in polite Italian, ‘the old one will no longer do.’” S: “And the old one was Vahlen.” G: “Vahlen as institution, yes. The great post-Lachmannian comfort blanket. Admirable, indispensable, and by then intolerably old.” S: “So Pasquali sees the need, Timpanaro feels the need, Mariotti writes letters about the need, and eventually Skutsch does the deed.” G: “That is the international division of labour. Florence diagnoses, Oxford publishes.” S: “Skutsch was at Oxford?” G: “Eventually. German by origin, British by appointment, Oxford by immortality. Which is fitting, since Ennius belongs to that awkward zone where nationality is already a commentary.” S: “And Mariotti?” G: “Mariotti matters because he was not merely a bystander. He was the nearest thing Timpanaro had to a fellow campaigner in the Italian line. They wrote to one another about Ennius the way dons write about weather if the weather determined the fate of Rome.” S: “And neither of them, strictly, a philosopher.” G: “No. But strictness is often the enemy of insight.” S: “Then let us be unstrict. What does an analytic philosopher make of Timpanaro, Pasquali, Terzaghi, Mariotti, and this poor shredded Ennius?” G: “He sees a rational practice. That is already enough.” S: “You mean: evidence, inference, correction, and no metaphysical fog?” G: “Quite. Timpanaro would have liked the phrase ‘no metaphysical fog,’ though he would probably have added a polemic against psychoanalysis before tea.” S: “And Ennius?” G: “Ennius is the delicious case. Officially a poet. Actually a small republic of genres.” S: “Annales, tragedies, satires.” G: “And more. Epicharmus. Euhemerus. Protrepticus. A poet who refuses to remain only a poet.” S: “Then he really is philosophically tempting.” G: “Very. Because he stands before philosophy ‘arrives at Rome’ in the pompous textbook way, and yet he is already importing cosmology, theology, exhortation, and reflective anthropology.” S: “Before Carneades, before the embassy, before the harbour scene.” G: “Exactly. Before philosophy is seen to dock, Ennius is already smuggling it inland.” S: “That is rather good.” G: “It is also true.” S: “And Timpanaro knows this?” G: “Of course. That is why Ennius matters to him beyond mere text. A fragmentary author tests not only scholarship but judgement.” S: “Because every editorial decision is an argument?” G: “And every argument is half philology, half philosophy, if the text is sufficiently broken.” S: “So Grice, or rather G., reading Timpanaro, does not say, ‘Ah yes, another textual chap.’ He says, ‘Here is a man deciding what counts as evidence.’” G: “Yes. And further: here is a man deciding what counts as the same work, the same line, the same authorial intention under ruin.” S: “That sounds almost like philosophy of language.” G: “It is philosophy of language without the vanity of calling itself that.” S: “And Pasquali?” G: “Pasquali is the great elder pressure. He sees that Vahlen must be superseded, and he sees in the young Timpanaro the possible editor of Ennius.” S: “A kind of appointed avenger.” G: “Or appointed cleaner. Editors spend half their lives tidying after dead men and the other half deciding which dirt is authentic.” S: “Terzaghi comes in as relatore.” G: “Yes. Formal supervisor, one might say. Pasquali the true formative force, Terzaghi the official seal. That is a very academic arrangement.” S: “And Mariotti the correspondent.” G: “The living marginalia.” S: “You make them sound like a quartet.” G: “They are a quartet, with Ennius as the absent fifth player and Vahlen as the dead conductor.” S: “And Skutsch?” G: “Skutsch is the late soloist who finally records the symphony.” S: “Do you think Timpanaro minded?” G: “He minded in the only honourable way: by writing on Skutsch as one editor of Ennius speaking to another.” S: “Not nationalist resentment, then.” G: “No. More refined than that. A sense that one had long inhabited the same problem and had not been the man to close it.” S: “Which is almost sad.” G: “Philology is mostly sadness arranged as method.” S: “And still you say an analytic philosopher should admire it.” G: “Certainly. Because it disciplines the imagination. One cannot merely suppose. One must show why a conjecture deserves to live.” S: “That is not unlike your own habits.” G: “I should hope not. Though I have fewer manuscripts and more undergraduates.” S: “Let us talk Ennius proper, then. If he is not merely the annalist, what philosophical content do G. and S. find?” G: “Begin with Euhemerus.” S: “The rationalising of the gods.” G: “Yes. Gods as exalted mortals, founders, benefactors, rulers made divine by memory.” S: “That is already philosophy of religion, or at least myth under criticism.” G: “Indeed. One can hear Hume yawning in advance.” S: “And Epicharmus?” G: “That is subtler. Cosmological, quasi-physical, with reflections on soul and body and the operations of nature. Fragmentary enough to allow irresponsibility, but not so fragmentary that one may say anything one likes.” S: “So exactly the sort of text Timpanaro would relish.” G: “Because it forces one to distinguish reconstruction from invention.” S: “And Protrepticus?” G: “A philosophical genre by title alone. Exhortation. The very idea that poetry may urge one toward a mode of life or thought rather than merely recount events.” S: “So Ennius already contains the possibility that poetry thinks.” G: “And that is where the philosophers become interested.” S: “Even if condescendingly.” G: “Especially if condescendingly. Philosophers love border cases because they allow one to be generous without yielding the border.” S: “What would G. say, reading one of the famous lines?” G: “He would choose one that sounds like Rome announcing itself before it knows what Rome is.” S: “Such as?” G: “Moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque.” S: “The Roman commonwealth stands by ancient customs and by men.” G: “Exactly. It is almost proverb, almost philosophy, almost constitutional theory.” S: “And entirely Ennius.” G: “And entirely why a philosopher cannot simply shrug and say ‘mere poet.’” S: “Though he might try.” G: “He might. But the line persists because it compresses a political anthropology into verse.” S: “So Grice, with Lit. Hum., hears not only metre but doctrine.” G: “He hears a maxim. A Roman maxim before philosophy properly institutionalises maxims.” S: “And Timpanaro hears a textual problem.” G: “And both are right.” S: “That is annoyingly harmonious.” G: “The best disagreements usually are.” S: “Would G. admire Timpanaro’s materialism?” G: “He would admire the refusal to sentimentalise intention. Timpanaro keeps reminding one that texts travel through blunders, slips, contamination, false piety, editorial violence.” S: “Which is a salutary pressure on any clean theory of meaning.” G: “Yes. It says: authorial intention is not sovereign over transmission.” S: “So even if Grice begins with intention, Timpanaro forces him to add vehicle, medium, and damage.” G: “Exactly. Timpanaro is what happens when the post brings bad news to philosophy of language.” S: “And Mariotti?” G: “Mariotti shows that this was not one lonely young genius with Ennius, but a whole postwar Italian philological conversation.” S: “Conducted, as you say, like dons rather than soldiers.” G: “Quite. While others defend Europe materially, they defend its fragments.” S: “That sounds almost indecent.” G: “Civilisation is indecently layered. Someone must keep the footnotes alive while others keep the lights on.” S: “And Oxford?” G: “Oxford would call it classical scholarship and imagine it as part of civilised education.” S: “Whereas for the Italians it is their own deep history.” G: “That is the crucial point. For Timpanaro and Mariotti, Ennius is not merely a Latin author in a syllabus. He is part of how Italy, and Rome, and antiquity became available as a self-history.” S: “So Timpanaro’s fight for a post-Vahlen edition is not antiquarian fussing.” G: “No. It is a claim about what deserves to be transmitted correctly.” S: “And G., as analytic philosopher, sees in that not mere piety but a logic of preservation.” G: “Yes. A practice in which evidence, norm, and responsibility converge.” S: “You make philology sound almost noble.” G: “It is noble. It is merely dressed badly.” S: “Can one say that Ennius is philosophically important before Roman philosophy arrives in the textbook sense?” G: “One must say exactly that.” S: “Even if the textbooks prefer Appius Claudius Caecus or later Lucretius.” G: “Textbooks always prefer clean beginnings. History prefers smudges.” S: “And Ennius is a smudge.” G: “A magnificent one.” S: “Then why do they keep calling him a poet?” G: “Because classification is how disciplines protect their furniture.” S: “And yet his corpus keeps spilling over.” G: “Tragedy, satire, epic, theology, protreptic. He refuses to stay shelved.” S: “Which is why Timpanaro had to fight for him.” G: “Yes. A genius in fragments is always in danger of becoming a mere quarry for quotations unless someone restores proportion.” S: “And Vahlen, admirable though he was, could no longer do that.” G: “No. Vahlen had become a monument. Monuments are indispensable and impossible to inhabit.” S: “Skutsch then builds the habitable edition.” G: “And Timpanaro reviews it like a man walking through a house he once hoped to build.” S: “That is nearly moving.” G: “Philology becomes moving when one remembers that behind every ‘review’ there may be forty years of unspent editorial ambition.” S: “Would G. envy them?” G: “In a way. Philosophers rarely have such clear objects. Ennius, at least, is definitely there, though mostly missing.” S: “Whereas philosophers have texts and still cannot agree what they mean.” G: “Exactly. Ennius is fragmentary in body. Philosophy is fragmentary in spirit.” S: “And the punchline?” G: “That the poet turns out more philosophical than the philosophers expected, and the philologists more philosophical than the philosophers admit.” S: “And Rome?” G: “Still standing, apparently, on ancient customs, on men, and on editors.”GRICE: Caro Timpanaro, lasciami cominciare con una domanda che mi frulla in testa: ma tu, quando correggi un manoscritto latino, non ti viene mai la tentazione di aggiungere qualche battuta spiritosa tra le righe? Così, per movimentare un po’ la filologia… TIMPANARO: Ah Grice, se solo avessi osato! Ma sai, se avessi scritto qualcosa di spassoso su un codice di Virgilio, i miei colleghi sarebbero diventati più severi di Lachmann con una variante spurie. Però confesso: a volte sostituirei volentieri qualche verso con un paradosso leopardiano. GRICE: Ecco, sapevo che Leopardi sarebbe saltato fuori! Dimmi la verità: tu ti senti più vicino all’infinito di Leopardi o alla “finitezza” dei manoscritti, dove persino una virgola conta come se fosse una legge fisica? TIMPANARO: Per Leopardi l’infinito era una siepe, per me spesso è una pila di varianti testuali che non finisce mai! Ma, tra noi, la vera felicità è trovare una lectio difficilior che resista a ogni tentazione filologica… un po’ come resistere a una battuta ironica durante un convegno serio. GRICE: Allora dovremmo fondare una scuola: “La ragione conversazionale della critica testuale!” Regola numero uno: ogni volta che un editore commette una falsificazione leopardiana, si brinda con vino toscano e si ride per almeno dieci minuti! TIMPANARO: Accetto! Ma lasciami aggiungere la regola due: chi trova un falso in Leopardi può scegliere la musica di sottofondo durante la riunione — ma solo se è Rossini. Sai, un po’ di leggerezza non guasta mai neppure in filologia! Timpanaro, Sebastiano junior (1945). Per una nuova edizione critica pot-Vahlen degl’Annali d’Ennio. Sotto Pasquale e Terzaghi. Lettere. Firenze.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tineio – Ossia: Grice e Tineio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tineio. The gens Tineia was a Roman family of imperial times. Members of this gens first appear in history in the time of Hadrian; the first to obtain the consulship was Quintus Tineius Rufus in AD 127.  Origin The Tineii of the second and third centuries lived at Side, in Pamphylia. They may have been an old Roman family that had migrated to Asia Minor, where Italian migrants had settled since the first century BC; however, it was not uncommon for men from the Eastern Mediterranean, without any connection with Italy, to reach the Roman nobility in this period. For example, Arrian, a Greek, was consul circa AD 132, and Marcus Julius Philippus, a native of Arabia Petraea, became emperor in 244.  A funerary monument from Rome identifies one of the Tineii as a member of the tribus Sabatina, corresponding with the region of Sabinum; this may imply that the Tineii were originally a Sabine family, although the man who built it was a native of Nicomedia in Bithynia.[1] Nomina ending in -eius were common under the Republic, and frequently belonged to families of Sabine origin.[2]  Praenomina The main praenomen of the Tineii was Quintus, which the Tineii Rufi used to the exclusion of all others; in this family the praenomen was fossilized, and passed down to all of the sons in the family, with no distinguishing function; instead the sons would typically be distinguished by their surnames. Different praenomina are occasionally found among the other Tineii, including Lucius, Marcus, and Gaius; like Quintus, these were among the most common names throughout Roman history.  Branches and cognomina The only distinct family of the Tineii bore the cognomen Rufus, red. This was a common surname, typically given to those who had red hair.[3] Several members of this family bore additional cognomina, including Sacerdos, a priest, and Clemens, pleasant or gentle.[4] Surnames derived from occupations and individual traits were very typical of Roman cognomina.[5]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Tineii Rufi Quintus Tineius Rufus, governor of Thrace in AD 124, during the reign of Hadrian, and consul suffectus from the Kalends of May to the Kalends of October in 127. He was governor of Judaea from at least 130 to 132, at the beginning of the Bar Kochba rebellion.[6][7][8] Quintus Tineius Q. f. Sacerdos Clemens, consul ordinarius in AD 158. Son of Quintus Tineius Rufus, the consul of 124, he was created a patrician, and made a member of the College of Pontifices[i] by the emperor Antoninus Pius. Three of his sons also became consul.[9][10][11][12] Quintus Tineius Q. f. Q. n. Rufus, consul ordinarius in AD 182, was one of the Salii Palatini.[13][14][15][16] Quintus Tineius Q. f. Q. n. Sacerdos, consular legate in Bithynia from 189 to 190, and consul suffectus in AD 192; he became Proconsul of Asia circa 210. He was consul ordinarius with Elagabalus in 219.[13][17][18][19] Quintus Tineius Q. f. Q. n. Clemens, consul ordinarius in AD 195.[20][21][22][23][24] Quintus Tineius, governor of Achaea, may be identified with one of the consular Tineii, but which is uncertain. Others Tineia Lucida, dedicated a tomb at Rome for her husband, Publius Aelius Verus.[25] Tineia Antonia, buried at Rome, with a tomb dedicated by her sister, Tineia Hygeia, dating to the second century AD.[26] Tineia Hygeia, dedicated a tomb at Rome for her sister, Tineia Antonia, some time during the second century.[26] Quintus Tineius Demetrius, prefect of Egypt from AD 189 to 190.[27] Marcus Tineius Ovinius L. f. Casto Pulchro, a senator and pontifex, had been quaestor urbanus, and a candidate for the praetorship.[28] Quintus Tineius Dorus, husband of Pulchra Domna, and father of Quintus Tineius Primigenius.[29] Quintus Tineius Q. f. Primigenius, son of Quintus Tineius Dorus and Pulchra Domna, for whom he built a tomb at Aternum in Sabinum.[29] Quintus Tineius Primigenius, possibly a freedman, buried with Vibia Psyche at Mutina in Etruria.[30] Quintus Tineius Herculanus, buried at Rome, aged twelve.[31] Quintus Tineius Q. f. Her[mes?], a soldier from Nicomedia, and the husband of Tineia Hieropis, buried a child at Rome.[1] Tineia Hieropis, wife of Quintus Tineius Hermes.[1] Quintus Tineius Eusebes, husband of Postumia Callityche, buried at Rome, aged twenty-two.[32] Gaius Tineius C. f. Threptus, named in an inscription from Rome.[33] Tineius Longus, a cavalry prefect under Ulpius Marcellus, governor of Britain during the reign of Commodus. An inscription from Condercum indicates that he was quaestor designatus, but whether he entered office, and if so which year, cannot be determined.[34][23] Marcus Tineius, named in an inscription from Ara Bona in Pannonia Superior.[35] Tineia Primitiva, buried at Castellum Tidditanorum in Numidia, aged seventy-nine.[36] Lucius Clodius Tineius Pupienus Bassus, a young man from a senatorial family, who assumed the Toga virilis at Rome early in the third century.[37] Tineius Eubulus, freedman of the mother of Lucius Clodius Tineius Pupienus Bassus.[37] Quintus Tineius Severus Petronianus, curator rei publicae, probably at Nicaea, in AD 244.[38] Footnotes  Only patricians could become members of this college. See also List of Roman gentes References  CIL VI, 3499.  Chase, pp. 120, 121.  Chase, p. 110.  New College Latin & English Dictionary, s. v. sacerdos, clemens.  Chase, pp. 110–112.  Fasti Ostienses, CIL XIV, 244.  PIR, vol. III, pp. 321, 322.  Brill's New Pauly, "Tineius", No. 3.  AE 1985, 994.  CIL II, 742, CIL X, 7845, CIL XIV, 2410.  PIR, vol. III, p. 323.  Brill's New Pauly, "Tineius", No. 6.  CIL VI, 1978.  AE 1903, 154, AE 1976, 26.  PIR, vol. III, p. 322.  Brill's New Pauly, "Tineius", No. 4.  CIL VI, 1984, CIL VI, 31162.  PIR, vol. III, pp. 322, 323.  Brill's New Pauly, "Tineius", No. 5.  CIL III, 4407, CIL XIV, 169.  Digesta, 27. tit. 9. s. 1.  Codex, 9. tit. 1. s. 1.  PIR, vol. III, p. 321.  Brill's New Pauly, "Tineius", No. 1.  CIL VI, 10810.  Deutsche Inschriften Online, 3–A1, 4.  Brill's New Pauly, "Tineius", No. 2.  CIL XIV, 3614.  CIL IX, 3341.  AE 1992, 622.  ICUR, viii. 23295.  CIL VI, 5137.  CIL VI, 20792.  CIL VII, 504.  AE 1995, 1259b.  ILAlg, ii. 3, 8775.  CIL VI, 41182.  Brill's New Pauly, "Tineius", No. 7. Bibliography Codex Theodosianus. Digesta, or Pandectae (The Digest). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Giovanni Battista de Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romanae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores (Christian Inscriptions from Rome of the First Seven Centuries, abbreviated ICUR), Vatican Library, Rome (1857–1861, 1888). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria, abbreviated ILAlg), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). John C. Traupman, The New College Latin & English Dictionary, Bantam Books, New York (1995). Brill's New Pauly: Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World (2002–2014). Categories: Roman gentesRoman gentes of Sabine originTineii And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tineio – Ossia: Grice e Tineio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tineio. For the Tineii, the obvious historical celebrity is Quintus Tineius Rufus, the governor of Judaea at the outbreak of the Bar Kokhba revolt and consul in AD 127.  But for a Grice-Speranza entry, I think the more interesting figure is actually his son: [GREXv3 | Word]  Quintus Tineius Sacerdos Clemens, consul of AD 158, made a patrician and admitted to the College of Pontiffs. [GREXv3 | Word]  Why? Because his cognomina are almost a miniature philosophy seminar:  Sacerdos = priest. Clemens = gentle, mild. [GREXv3 | Word]  The Roman question becomes:  Is a name describing a role? Or a character? Or merely identifying a person?  That is exactly the sort of issue that fascinated later philosophers of language. A vignette:  (*) QVIS EST? (Who is it?) RESPONSVM. Sacerdos Clemens. (The priest Clemens.) +> A designation may simultaneously identify a person, describe an office, and suggest a character.  The Gricean twist is that the hearer may infer far more than the name strictly says.  But there is another feature of the Tineii that is irresistibly Gricean. The family fossilized the praenomen:  Quintus, Quintus, Quintus, Quintus... [GREXv3 | Word]  The source explicitly notes that in this family the praenomen had become almost devoid of distinguishing force; the sons were differentiated by their cognomina instead. [GREXv3 | Word] That is a dream case for the philosophy of reference. Imagine:  Q. Tineius Rufus Q. Tineius Sacerdos Q. Tineius Clemens  The praenomen contributes almost nothing to identification. A Speranzian gloss:  The Tineii demonstrate that not every component of a name carries equal informational value. "Quintus" survives by tradition while the cognomen does the actual discriminating work. The information content migrates from one part of the name to another, while reference remains secure. [GREXv3 | Word]  And that would have appealed strongly to Grice. One might almost formulate a modified conversational maxim:  Do not multiply identifying components beyond necessity.  In the Tineii, the Romans had already obeyed it. One "Quintus" was enough; the real work was left to Rufus, Sacerdos, and Clemens. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titanio – Ossia: Grice e Titanio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titanio. The gens Titania was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens are mentioned by Roman writers, but a number are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Titanius is formed using the suffix -anius, usually indicating derivation from place names.[1] The root of Titanius seems to be a cognomen, Titanus; Chase classifies the nomen among those gentilicia that either originated at Rome, or cannot be shown to have come from anywhere else.[2]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Titanius, the former master of Titania Charis, a freedwoman of Aquileia in Venetia and Histria.[3] Titania C. l. Charis, a freedwoman, built a first- or second-century sepulchre at Aquileia for her husband, Sextus Teius Januarius, the freedman Quintus Catabronius Martialis, a woman named Titania Secundina, and two persons named Menandrus and Persicus.[3] Titania Secundina, buried in a first- or second-century sepulchre at Aquileia, built by the freedwoman Titania Charis for her husband and several others.[3] Titania Barbara, dedicated a second-century tomb at Vicus Fificulanus in Samnium for her son, Titus Opsturius Benivolus, aged twenty-seven. She is probably the same Barbara who dedicated a second-century monument at the same place for the freedman Titus Opsturius Dasius, probably her husband.[4] Undated Titanii Sextus Titanius Cinnamus, buried at Aveia in Samnium.[5] Publius Titanius Successus, built a tomb at Rome for his wife, Porcia Zosima.[6] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, p. 118.  Chase, p. 132.  Brusin, Inscriptiones Aquileiae, i. 680.  CIL IX, 3590, CIL IX, 3591.  CIL IX, 3641.  CIL VI, 24835. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Giovanni Battista Brusin, Inscriptiones Aquileiae (Inscriptions of Aquileia), Udine (1991–1993). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titanio – Ossia: Grice e Titanio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titanio. For the Titanii, the historical pickings are admittedly slim, but that can be an advantage for a Speranzian reconstruction. My favorite is Titania Charis, the freedwoman of Gaius Titanius, who built a sepulchre at Aquileia for her husband and several others. [GREXv3 | Word] Why Charis? Because Charis (Greek χάρις) is one of those words whose semantic field is delightfully difficult to pin down:  grace, favor, charm, gratitude, goodwill.  A Gricean immediately asks:  Is charis a feeling? A social relation? A disposition? A response?  That is exactly the sort of conceptual untidiness Grice enjoyed tidying. A vignette:  (*) QUID EST CHARIS? (What is grace?) RESPONSUM. Si definiri facile posset, nomen philosophorum non esset. (If it could easily be defined, philosophers would not need the word.) +> Some concepts are learned through participation in practices rather than explicit definition.   There is also a nice connection with your recent discussion of pleasure. Greek charis is not identical to hedonē. One can experience pleasure alone. One normally experiences charis in a social context:  giving, receiving, thanking, pleasing.  So if Thorius Balbus pushes us toward:  "What is pleasure?"  Titania Charis pushes us toward:  "What is pleasing someone?"  which is much closer to your observation about:  "please" "if it pleases you" s'il vous plaît R.S.V.P.  The semantic territory shifts from private enjoyment to interpersonal acknowledgment.  A second candidate would be Publius Titanius Successus. [GREXv3 | Word] Not because we know much about him, but because the cognomen Successus ("success", "good outcome") is one of those Roman names that appears to state a result rather than an essence. A Gricean joke follows naturally:  (*) CUR SUCCESSUS VOCARIS? (Why are you called Successus?) SUCCESSUS. Nomen est, non argumentum. (It is a name, not an argument.) +> Names do not guarantee the properties they suggest.  That returns us to one of your recurring themes:  descriptive content versus mere designation.   A Speranzian gloss might read:  The Titanii are useful because Charis and Successus both tempt the philosopher into a lexical fallacy. One imagines that the bearer possesses grace or success. Roman nomenclature quietly reminds us otherwise. A name may suggest a property without asserting it. That lesson lies somewhere between Varro, Grice, and common sense. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titedio – Ossia: Grice e Titedio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titedio -- The gens Titedia, also written as Titidia, or Titiedia, was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Hardly any members of this gens are mentioned by Roman writers, and only one, Titidius Labeo, held any of the higher magistracies of the Roman state; others are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Titedius belongs to a class of gentilicia formed using the suffix -idius to form nomina from cognomina ending in -idus. It resembles, and may be derived from the same root as the Titia gens.[1]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Titedii were Lucius and Gaius, which happen to be the two most common praenomina at all periods of Roman history. A few of the Titedii bore other names, including Gnaeus and Quintus.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Titidia, the daughter of Titulus, made an offering, perhaps to Diana, at Marruvium in Samnium, dating from the late second or early first century BC.[2] Lucius Titedius L. l. Martialis, a freedman, dedicated a tomb at Supinum Vicus in Samnium, dating from the late first century BC or early first century AD, for his collibertus,[i] Lucius Titedius Primigenius.[3] Lucius Titedius L. l. Primigenius, a freedman buried at Supinum Vicus, in a tomb built by his collibertus Lucius Titedius Martialis, in the late first century BC, or early first century AD.[3] Gaius Titedius, the master of Jucundus, a slave buried at Casinum in Latium in AD 6.[4] Titidius Labeo,[ii] praetor and governor of Gallia Narbonensis during the reign of Tiberius. In AD 19, his wife, Vistilia, was accused of prostituting herself. Labeo was reluctant to take action, but under pressure from the aediles, he agreed to exile her to the island of Seriphos in the Cyclades. Labeo lived to an advanced age, and was fond of painting small subjects, although his contemporaries found his hobby unbecoming in a man of his rank.[5][6][7][8] Titedius C. l. Philumena, a freedwoman buried at Iguvium in Umbria during the first half of the first century.[9] Titidia Ɔ. l. Salvia, a freedwoman who built a sepulchre at Paestum in Lucania, dating from the early or middle first century, for herself and the freedwoman Titidia Sura.[10] Gnaeus Titidius, the former master of Titidia Sura.[10] Titidia Cn. l. Sura, a freedwoman named in a sepulchral inscription from Paestum, dating from the early or middle first century, from a tomb built by the freedwoman Titidia Salvia.[10] Gaius Titedius Moderatus, named in a first-century bronze inscription from Matrice in Hispania Citerior.[11] Gaius Titedius Tyrannus, dedicated a first-century tomb at Vicus Fificulanus for his wife, Titedia Prima.[12] Titedia Ɔ. l. Prima, a freedwoman buried in a first-century tomb built by Gaius Titedius Tyrannus, Vicus Fificulanus. Gaius Titedius, one of the municipal quattuorviri at Aquinum in Latium in AD 74.[13] Titedia Venusta, the wife of Optatus, and mother of Asteris, a young woman buried at Rome, aged seventeen years, three months, and eleven days, between the middle of the first century and the end of the second.[14] Lucius Titedius Valentinus, one of the Seviri Augustales, and the husband of Titedia Venusta, was the father of Titedia Fucentia and Lucius Titedius Valentinus, buried at Alba Fucens in Samnium during the first half of the second century.[15] Titedia Venusta, the wife of Lucius Titedius Valentinus, and mother of Titedia Venusta and Lucius Titedia Valentinus, a young man buried at Alba Fucens during the first half of the second century.[15] Titedia L. f. Fucentia, the daughter of Lucius Titedius Valentinus and Titedia Venusta, and brother of Lucius Titedius Venustus, a young man buried at Alba Fucens during the first half of the second century.[15] Lucius Titedius L. f. Valentinus, a young man buried at Alba Fucens, aged twenty-two, with a monument from his parents, Lucius Titedius Valentinus and Titedia Venusta. His sister was Titedia Fucentia.[15] Titedia Apicula, honored by a second-century inscription from Velitrae in Latium, dedicated by her son, Colpus, and niece, Themis. Titiedius Augurius, a youth buried at Alba Fucens, aged fourteen years, eleven months, and eight days, in a second-century tomb built by Quintus Gargilius.[16] Titiedius Flaccus, a military tribune in the Legio X Gemina, and one of the quattuorviri, buried in a second-century tomb at Carsioli in Samnium.[17] Titidius Maximus, a centurion in the fourth cohort of the Legio II Traiana Fortis, stationed at Nicopolis in Egypt in AD 157.[18] Titiedia Faustina, named in a dedicatory inscription from Alba Fucens, dating from AD 168.[19] Lucius Titedius L. f. Proculinus, the father of Lucius Titedius Proculus, and at least one other child, who dedicated a statue in their memory at Tusculum in AD 196.[20] Lucius Titedius L. f. L. n. Proculus, the son of Lucius Titedius Proculinus, with whom he was honoured with a statue placed by a sibling at Tusculum in AD 196.[20] Lucius Titiedius Flaccus Petronianus, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, dating from the latter half of the third century.[21] Lucius Titiedius L. f. Flaccus, a little boy buried at Rome, aged four years and four days, in a tomb dating from the latter half of the third century. He might be the same person as Lucius Titiedius Petronianus, named earlier in the same inscription.[21] Titidia Felicitas, buried at Rome, aged seventy, in a tomb built by her sons, Petronius Proclus and Petronius Proclianus, dating from the first half of the fourth century.[22] Undated Titidii Lucius Titiedius, named in an inscription from Carsioli.[23] Titedius Agathopus, buried at Rome in a tomb built by Titedia Felicula, either his mother or his wife.[24] Lucius Titiedius Alcimus, a potter whose maker's mark was found on pottery from Sicily.[25] Titedia Felicula, built a tomb at Rome for her husband and son, one of whom was Titedius Agathopus.[24] Lucius Titedius Fortunatianus, buried at Rome, aged thirty-five years, two months, six days, and thirteen hours, in a tomb built by his wife, Titedia Memmia, and kinsman, Titedius Titianus.[26] Gaius Titedius Fuscus, buried at Lambaesis in Numidia.[27] Lucius Titidius L. f. Maximus, buried in a family sepulchre at Parentium in Venetia and Histria, built by his mother, the freedwoman Septimia Myrtis, for herself, her son, and her husband, Lucius Titidius Olympus.[28] Titedia Memmia, the wife of Lucius Titedius Fortunatianus, for whom she built a tomb at Rome, along with her husband's kinsman, Titedius Titianus.[26] Lucius Titidius Olympus, buried at Parentium, in a family sepulchre built by his wife, the freedwoman Septimia Myrtis, for herself, her husband, and their son, Lucius Titidius Maximus.[28] Lucius Titiedius L. l. Philodamus, a freedman named along with several other freedmen from various gentes in a sepulchral inscription from Rome.[29] Titiedia Plias, buried at Rome, in a tomb dedicated by her husband, Titius Valerianus.[30] Titedius Potamus, named in an inscription from Narbo in Gallia Narbonensis.[31] Quintus Titedius Q. f. Secundus, buried at Civitas Popthensis in Numidia, aged sixty-eight.[32] Titedius Titianus, a kinsman of Lucius Titedius Fortunatianus, for whom he built a tomb at Rome, along with Fortunatianus' wife, Titedia Memmia.[26] Titiedia L. l. Venusta, a freedwoman buried at Firmum Picenum, in a tomb built by her husband, Allidius Claudius.[33] Notes  Someone freed on the same occasion as Primigenius.  Titedius in some manuscripts of Pliny; Titidius in Tacitus. A former reading was Ateius. See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, p. 122.  CIL IX, 3654.  CIL IX, 3877.  CIL X, 5161.  Pliny, Historia Naturalis, xxxv. 35. 4. s. 7.  Tacitus, Annales, ii. 85.  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. II, p. 695 ("Titidius Labeo").  PIR, vol. III, p. 326 (T, No. 185).  AE 1995, 478.  AE 1968, 144.  CIL II, 4975,62.  CIL IX, 7616.  CIL X, 5405.  CIL VI, 12558.  CIL IX, 3948.  CIL IX, 4035.  CIL VI, 33029.  AE 1955, 238.  CIL IX, 3950.  AE 1900, 133.  CIL VI, 32469.  ICUR, viii. 22674.  CIL IX, 4054.  CIL VI, 27447.  AE 2006, 509.  CIL VI, 27448.  CIL VIII, 4091.  CIL V, 358.  Ferrua, Antiche Inscrizione Inedite di Roma, 5a, p. 106.  BCAR, 1989/90-495.  CIL XII, 4555.  Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, i. 1164.  AE 2009, 307. Bibliography Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny the Elder), Historia Naturalis (Natural History). Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Giovanni Battista de Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romanae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores (Christian Inscriptions from Rome of the First Seven Centuries, abbreviated ICUR), Vatican Library, Rome (1857–1861, 1888). Bulletin Archéologique du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques (Archaeological Bulletin of the Committee on Historic and Scientific Works, abbreviated BCTH), Imprimerie Nationale, Paris (1885–1973). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). Antonio Ferrua, Antiche Inscrizione Inedite di Roma (Unedited Ancient Inscriptions from Rome, 1939–1980). Category: Roman gentes ANd for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titedio – Ossia: Grice e Titedio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titedio For the Titedii/Titidii, the Grice-Speranza choice is almost forced:  Titidius (or Titedius) Labeo, praetor, governor of Gallia Narbonensis under Tiberius, husband of the notorious Vistilia, and amateur painter of small subjects. [GREXv3 | Word]  Why Labeo? Because he sits exactly at the intersection of:  public office, reputation, social description, reluctance to act.  According to Tacitus, when Vistilia was accused of publicly registering herself as a prostitute, Labeo was initially reluctant to proceed. Only under pressure from the aediles did he consent to her exile. [GREXv3 | Word] This yields a classic Gricean question:  What is the force of social pressure?  No law changes. No proposition changes. Yet action occurs. One can imagine:  (*) AEDILES. Fac officium. (Do your duty.) LABEO. Nollem. (I would rather not.) AEDILES. Oportet. (You must.) +> The practical effect of an utterance may exceed its explicit content.  Very Oxonian.  The painter of miniatures The detail from Pliny the Elder is even more delightful. Labeo lived to an advanced age and amused himself by painting small subjects, a hobby that contemporaries found unbecoming in a man of his rank. [GREXv3 | Word] That sounds almost like a philosopher of ordinary language:  Everyone else discusses great affairs of state. Labeo paints tiny things.  A Speranzian vignette:  (*) AMICUS. Cur tam parva pingis? (Why do you paint such small things?) LABEO. Quia magna satis alii pingunt. (Because others paint large things well enough.) +> Attention to small phenomena may reveal what grand theories overlook.  One hears a distant Grice smiling.  The nomenclature problem A second Gricean attraction is textual. Your entry notes that the man appears as:  Titedius in some sources, Titidius in others. [GREXv3 | Word]  That immediately raises one of your favorite questions:  When do variant descriptions still refer to the same individual?  The referent remains stable. The nomen oscillates. A perfect case of:  identity surviving descriptive variation.   The runner-up: the colliberti I would also mention:  Lucius Titedius Martialis and Lucius Titedius Primigenius. [GREXv3 | Word]  The inscription emphasizes that they were colliberti:  freed on the same occasion. [GREXv3 | Word]  A wonderfully Roman relational category. Not:  brother, friend, colleague,  but:  liberated together.  A Gricean might say:  Shared history often supplies common ground more effectively than definition.   Speranza's gloss  The Titidii contribute a governor who preferred painting miniatures to displaying senatorial grandeur. Philosophers of ordinary language likewise concern themselves with small distinctions that others regard as beneath notice. Labeo painted little pictures; Grice painted little conversational examples. Both thought the details mattered. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tizio – Ossia: Grice e Tizio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tizio -- The gens Titia was a plebeian family at ancient Rome. The gens is rarely mentioned in the Republican period, and did not rise out of obscurity till a very late time. None of its members obtained the consulship under the Republic, and the first person of the name who held this office was Marcus Titius in BC 31.[1]  Origin The nomen Titius is a patronymic surname, based on the praenomen Titus. Titus was roughly the sixth-most common Latin praenomen throughout Roman history. However, it has been conjectured that it was introduced to Latin through Titus Tatius, a Sabine king in the time of Romulus, who came to Rome with many of his subjects. If Titus was originally a Sabine praenomen, then the Titii may have been Sabines. But it is also possible that Titus was common to both the Latin and Oscan tongues.[2][3][4]  Praenomina The Titii used a wide variety of praenomina, including Gaius, Quintus, Sextus, Lucius, Publius, Marcus, and Titus. All of these were very common names.  Branches and cognomina During the later years of the Republic, some of the Titii appear with the surnames Rufus, meaning "red" or "reddish", and Strabo, referring to one who squints. These may have been family-names, as at least two individuals in the gens bore these cognomina. Numerous surnames occur in imperial times, including Sabinus, Proculus, Aquilinus, and Gemellus, amongst others.[5][1]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Titius, an eques of the 2nd century BC, and an orator of considerable merit, praised by Cicero.[6][7][8] Gaius Titius, a pleader of causes, who excited a mutiny of the soldiers against the consul Lucius Porcius Cato in 89 BC, and escaped punishment.[9] Sextus Titius, tribune of the plebs in 99 BC, attempted to follow in the footsteps of Saturninus, but was resisted by the consul Marcus Antonius.[10] Quintus Titius, triumvir monetalis in 90 BC.[11] Lucius Titius, a Roman citizen at Agrigentum, who was robbed of his ring by Verres.[12] Titus Titius T. f., the legate of Gnaeus Pompeius, when the latter was entrusted with the superintendence of the corn-market.[13] Gaius Titius L. f. Rufus, praetor urbanus in 50 BC.[14] Quintus Titius, sent by Caesar into Epirus in 48 BC to obtain corn for his troops.[15] Lucius Titius, a military tribune during the Alexandrine war, 48 BC.[16] Gaius Titius Strabo, an opponent of Caesar at the time of his death.[17] Lucius Titius Strabo, an eques, whom Cicero introduced to Brutus.[18] Publius Titius, tribune of the plebs in 43 BC, proposed the lex Titia, which created the Second Triumvirate.[19][20][21] Lucius Titius, proscribed by the triumvirs in 43 BC, but escaped to Sextus Pompeius in Sicilia. He married Munatia, the sister of the orator Lucius Munatius Plancus.[22][23] Marcus Titius L. f., consul suffectus in 31 BC, routed the cavalry of Marcus Antonius shortly before the Battle of Actium. Lucius Titius, perhaps a brother of Marcus Titius, the consul of 31 BC, was the father-in-law of a Salvius, possibly Marcus Salvius Otho, grandfather of the emperor Otho.[24][25] Titia L. f., the wife of a Salvius, possibly Marcus Salvius Otho, grandfather of the emperor Otho. She died as a young woman in 23 BC.[24][25] Titius Julianus, probably a mistake for Tettius Julianus. Titius Septimius, a minor poet, about whose welfare Horace inquired in 20 BC.[26] Titius Sabinus, an eques, and friend of Germanicus, betrayed by Sejanus and put to death.[27][28][29] Titius Rufus, put to death in the reign of Caligula, for saying that the senate thought differently from what it said.[30] Titius Proculus, put to death in AD 48, because he had been privy to the adulteries of Gaius Silius and Messalina.[31] Marcus Titius Marcellus, owned a brick producing business.[32] Titius Aristo,[i] a distinguished jurist, was a friend of Pliny the Younger, who praised his knowledge and practice of the law.[33] Marcus Titius M. f. Lustricius Bruttianus, a decorated soldier who had won both the mural and vallary crowns, served as military tribune, plebeian aedile, quaestor, and praetor. He was consul suffectus in AD 108, and subsequently governor of Achaia. Pliny the younger reports that he was falsely accused by a colleague, Montanius Atticinus, whose misconduct he had uncovered, but acquitted by Trajan.[34][35][36] Titia Quartilla, owner of a pottery production business, she was possibly the granddaughter of M. Titius Marcellus and the sister of Lucius Titius Epidius Aquilinus.[37] Lucius Titius Epidius Aquilinus, consul in AD 125.[38] Lucius Titius Plautius Aquilinus, consul ordinarius in AD 162. Titius Gemellus, a sculptor, of uncertain date.[39][40][41] Gaius Titius Antonius Peculiaris, an eques See also List of Roman gentes Notes  In some editions, Titus Aristo. References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 1157 ("Titia Gens").  Livy, i. 13.  De Praenominibus (epitome by Julius Paris)  Chase, p. 152.  Cassell's Latin and English Dictionary  Cicero, Brutus, 45.  Macrobius, ii. 9, 12.  Meyer, p. 203, ff. (2nd ed.).  Cassius Dio, Fragmenta 114, p. 46 (Reimar).  Cicero, De Oratore, ii. 11, 66; Pro Gaio Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 9.  Eckhel, vol. V, p. 325.  Cicero, In Verrem, iv. 26.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, xiii. 58.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, xiii. 58.  Caesar, De Bello Civili, iii. 42.  Hirtius, De Bello Alexandrino, 57.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, xii. 6.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, xiii. 14.  Appian, Bellum Civile, iv. 7.  Cassius Dio, xlvi. 49.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, x. 12. § 3, x. 21. § 3.  Cassius Dio, xlviii. 30.  Velleius Paterculus, ii. 83.  Emiliozzi, "Sull'epitaffio del 67 a. C. nel sepolcro dei Salvii a Ferento".  Ottavianelli, "Sulle tracce di un imperatore di origini ferentiensi".  Horace, Epistulae, i. 3. 9-14.  Tacitus, Annales, iv. 18, 19, 68, 70, vi. 4.  Cassius Dio, lviii. 1.  Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia, viii. 40. s. 61.  Cassius Dio, lix. 18.  Tacitus, Annales, xi. 35.  Birley. p. 93  Pliny the Younger, Epistulae, 22.  Pliny the Younger, Epistulae, vi. 22.  Rossignol, Un nouveau cursus sénatorial.  AE 2004, 1898.  Opus. p. 100  CIL XV, 228, CIL XV, 360, CIL VI, 32516.  Boissard, Antiquitates Romanae, p. iii. fig. 132.  Sillig, Catalogus Artificium (1827), s. v.  Rochette, Lettre à M. Schorn, p. 419. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Brutus, De Oratore, Pro Gaio Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, In Verrem, Epistulae ad Familiares. Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Civili (Commentaries on the Civil War). Aulus Hirtius, De Bello Alexandrino. Quintus Horatius Flaccus (Horace), Epistulae. Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History. Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny the Elder), Naturalis Historia (Natural History). Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny the Younger), Epistulae (Letters). Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales. Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus (Cassius Dio), Roman History. Ambrosius Theodosius Macrobius, Saturnalia. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Romanae Urbis Topographia et Antiquitates (1597–1602). Joseph Hilarius Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum Veterum (The Study of Ancient Coins, 1792–1798). Karl Julius Sillig, Catalogus Artificium sive Architecti Statuarii Sculptores Pictores Caelatores et Scalptores Graecorum et Romanorum (Catalogue of Artists, with Greek and Roman Architects, Statuaries, Sculptors, Painters, Ornamenters, and Engravers), Libraria Arnoldia, Dresden and Leipzig (1827). Desiré-Raoul Rochette, Lettre à M. Schorn, Firmin Didot Frères, Paris (1832). Henricus Meyerus, Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta ab Appio inde Caeco usque ad Q. Aurelium Symmachum (Fragments of Roman Orators from Appius Claudius Caecus to Quintus Aurelius Symmachus). L. Bourgeois-Mazé, Paris (1837). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII (1897). D.P. Simpson, Cassell's Latin and English Dictionary, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York (1963). Adriana Emiliozzi, "[www.persee.fr/doc/mefr_0223-5102_1983_num_95_2_1388 Sull'epitaffio del 67 a. C. nel sepolcro dei Salvii a Ferento]", in Mélanges de l'École française de Rome, vol. 95, No. 2, pp. 701–717 (1983). Benoît Rossignol, "Fouilles au forum antique : Marcus Titius, découverte d’un Vaisonnais au sommet de l’Empire" (2015), cited by Werner Eck, "Position and Authority of the Provincial Legate and the Financial Procurator in Judaea, 70–136 AD", in Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries: The Interbellum 70‒132 CE, Joshua J. Schwartz, Peter J. Tomson, eds., Brill (2017), p. 103. Giovanna Ottavianelli, "Sulle tracce di un imperatore di origini ferentiensi: Marcus Salvius Otho", at Archeotuscia.com, pp. 25–29 (2019). Opus. Vol. 5. 1986. Birley, Anthony (2000). Onomasticon to the Younger Pliny Letters and Panegyric. K.G. Saur. ISBN 9783110958287.  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1870). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)  Categories: TitiiRoman gentesRoman gentes of Sabine origin nd from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tizio – Ossia: Grice e Tizio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tizio – For the Titii, there are so many candidates that one is spoiled for choice. But for a Grice e Speranza entry, I think two stand out. 1. Publius Titius and the lex Titia This is the most Gricean in a political-philosophical sense. According to your material, Publius Titius, tribune of the plebs in 43 BC, proposed the lex Titia, the law that created the Second Triumvirate. [GREXv3 | Word] The fascinating thing is that a law is a speech act par excellence. A statute does not merely describe:  "Three men are powerful."  It performs:  "These three men shall possess authority."  A Gricean vignette:  (*) CIVIS. Quid est lex? (What is a law?) TITIVS. Verba quae rem publicam mutant. (Words that change the state.) +> Some utterances do not report a reality but constitute one.  That is almost Austin before Austin.  2. Titius Rufus This is my favorite Gricean case. He was executed under Caligula because he said:  the senate thought differently from what it said. [GREXv3 | Word]  Now that is pure Grice. The whole point is the distinction between:  what is said, what is thought, what is meant.  A perfect Oxonian example. One can almost hear Grice beginning a lecture:  "Suppose a senator says X while believing Y..."  For Rufus, the proposition  "The senate thinks differently from what it says"  is practically a one-sentence summary of implicature. A Speranzian reconstruction:  (*) SENATOR. Consentimus. (We agree.) TITIVS RVFVS. Dicitis. (You say so.) +> The content publicly uttered need not coincide with the attitude privately held.  For a philosopher of conversation, that is much richer than any number of governors and military tribunes.  3. The jurist Titius Aristo A very close runner-up is the distinguished jurist Titius Aristo, praised by Pliny the Younger for his legal knowledge. [GREXv3 | Word] The attraction here is that Roman jurists constantly analyze:  what words mean, what obligations arise from words, how general rules apply to particular cases.  In a sense, they are ancient ordinary-language philosophers.  A final Speranzian gloss If I were choosing one Titius for Grice, I would select Titius Rufus. Why? Because his reported crime is almost Grice's life's work compressed into a single sentence:  The senate says one thing and thinks another. [GREXv3 | Word]  The Stoics could have built a doctrine from it, the historians a narrative, and Grice an entire seminar. And do we have the Latin for the second case -- cogitare -- dicere? -- It may be plain chicanery, as this seems to be the case. For 'implicatum' there may be a divergence ("You should say what you mean" "Oh, I do, at least I mean what I say, that's the same thing" "Not the same thing a bit" -- "You might just as well say that you eat what you see is the same thing as you see what you eat" said the Duck. "It is the same thing with you!" -- Alice in Wonderland. So depending on what the Latin was and the circumstance we still can never justify Caligula's justification unless it was makestas something -- high treason or something Thanks -- by the desiratum of conversational candour, indeed, what you should say what one thinks -- This Gricelater connects with Qualitas, when he adheres to the Kantian quartette of four categories. Thanks ("do not say that you believe to be false" -- which is not yet 'Do not say what you do not think". etc). A very good Gricean caution. The trouble is that our source for the incident, Cassius Dio, gives us the charge, but in the translated material I found he does not preserve the original Latin wording of what Titius Rufus allegedly said. What Dio reports is:  "Titius Rufus ... was charged with having declared that the senate thought one way and voted another." [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com]  That is already an interpretation of the content. So at present we have:  the accusation, not the exact wording.  And that makes a philosophical difference. Why Grice would care Suppose the underlying thought was:  Aliud senatus sentit, aliud censet.  or  Aliud cogitat, aliud dicit.  or  Aliud vult, aliud suffragatur.  These are all quite different. The first concerns judgment. The second concerns saying. The third concerns willing. And Grice's entire point is that one should not conflate:  what is said, what is meant, what is believed, what is intended.  Recall his favorite distinction:  "mean what you say"  is not equivalent to  "say what you mean."  Your Alice quotation is exactly apt. The two relations are not symmetric. Was Rufus describing implicature? Not necessarily. Indeed, I think you are right to resist that temptation. If a senator says:  "I vote aye"  while secretly believing:  "the measure is disastrous"  that is not yet implicature. It may be:  hypocrisy, cowardice, political calculation, coercion, insincerity.  Gricean implicature normally presupposes that the speaker is still cooperating in communication. Rufus' charge sounds closer to:  public profession versus private belief.  That is nearer to Quality than to implicature. Quality and candour Grice's later formulation is approximately:  Do not say what you believe to be false.  Notice that this is weaker than:  Say everything you believe.  And weaker still than:  Say exactly what you think.  A politician can satisfy Grice's Quality maxim while remaining extremely reticent. He may omit. He may evade. He may strategically remain silent. Thus:  "The senate thinks one thing and votes another"  need not mean that the senate is literally lying. It may mean that political pressures cause public acts not to reflect private convictions. Why Caligula found it dangerous If Dio's report is accurate, the remark is explosive because it attacks the legitimacy of public institutions. The claim is effectively:  The senate's official acts do not express its actual judgments. [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com]  That is not quite maiestas in itself, but under an emperor like Caligula many observations that undermined confidence in public authority could become politically dangerous. The real issue is probably less semantic than political. A Grice-Speranza gloss One might distinguish three theses:  The senate says one thing and means another. The senate says one thing and thinks another. The senate says one thing and implies another.  Only the third is straightforwardly Gricean. Dio's report most naturally suggests the second. [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com] Rufus appears to have been accused of exposing a discrepancy between public vote and private belief. A philosopher of language would then ask whether that discrepancy arose from deception, fear, convention, prudence, or merely the ordinary difference between what one votes for and what one would ideally prefer. That question is considerably subtler than Caligula's prosecutors were likely to allow. And Dio said that in Greek? What is the reference, you know? Thanks  Yes. Cassius Dio wrote his Roman History in Greek, specifically Koine Greek, even though he was a Roman senator and consul. His great work, the Ῥωμαϊκὴ Ἱστορία (Roman History), originally comprised 80 books. [britannica.com], [en.wikipedia.org] For the passage about Titius Rufus, the reference is:  Cassius Dio, Roman History 59.18.5. [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com]  The English translation cited there reads:  "Titius Rufus ... was charged with having declared that the senate thought one way and voted another." [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com]  Unfortunately, the source I found gives only the English translation, not the original Greek wording. [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com] Your Gricean caution is exactly right. Depending on the Greek verb, the accusation could range from:  thinking differently from voting (belief vs. public act), thinking differently from saying (belief vs. utterance), wanting differently from decreeing (desire vs. institutional action).  Those are philosophically very different claims. In fact, I rather suspect Grice would say that the Dio formulation, as translated, concerns not implicature but sincerity. It is closer to the territory of the Maxim of Quality:  Do not say what you believe to be false.  than to conversational implicature proper. The interesting thing is that Rufus' alleged remark amounts to a public observation about the senate's collective insincerity. Under Caligula, that is politically explosive even if it is true. One need not invoke a theory of implicature at all; one needs only the claim:  "The senate's votes do not reflect the senate's actual judgments." [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com]  And that is dangerous enough. A nice Gricean formulation might be:  The accusation is not that the senate implied one thing and said another; it is that the senate believed one thing and officially enacted another.  That is a problem of candour rather than implicature. If you'd like, I can also try to reconstruct what the lost Greek behind Cary's English translation in Dio 59.18.5 was likely to have looked like, using Dio's usual vocabulary for "think", "vote", and "decree". Does this below help? Thanks  The numbers and names you provided point directly to a specific passage in classical literature: Cassius Dio's Roman History, Book 59, Chapter 18, Section 5, which mentions an individual named Titius Rufus.  The Context of "Dio 59.18.5" In this passage of his Roman History, the ancient historian Cassius Dio describes the tyrannical behavior of the Roman Emperor Caligula (Gaius). Section 5 specifically recounts the fate of a man named Titius Rufus: "The same course was taken by Titius Rufus, who was charged with having declared that the senate thought one way and voted another..." The Passage in Greek and English 1. Ancient Greek (Original Text) τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ Τίτιος Ῥοῦφος ἔπαθεν, αἰτιαθεὶς ὅτι εἴποι τὴν βουλὴν ἄλλα μὲν φρονεῖν ἄλλα δὲ ψηφίζεσθαι. 2. English (Translation by Earnest Cary) "The same course was taken by Titius Rufus, who was charged with having declared that the senate thought one way and voted another." Key Vocabulary Breakdown Dio (Δίων): Refers to Lucius Cassius Dio, the Greek-speaking Roman senator and historian who authored the text. Titius (Τίτιος): The first name (nomen) of Titius Rufus, the Roman senator mentioned in this specific line. (Note: While "Titius" is also famous in science for the Titius–Bode law of planetary spacing, your specific coordinates of 59, 18, and 5 align with the book, chapter, and section numbering of Cassius Dio's classical text rather than an astronomical formula.) Would you like to explore more of Book 59 to see what else happened during Caligula's reign, or are you looking for a different classical citation? Yes, that helps a great deal, because now we have the Greek. Dio's text is given as:  τὴν βουλὴν ἄλλα μὲν φρονεῖν ἄλλα δὲ ψηφίζεσθαι. [GREXv3 | Word]  Literally:  "that the senate thinks one thing but votes another." [GREXv3 | Word]  Or, word-by-word:  ἡ βουλή = the senate. ἄλλα μὲν ... ἄλλα δέ ... = one thing ... another thing. φρονεῖν = to think, have in mind, hold an opinion. ψηφίζεσθαι = to vote, decide by vote, cast a vote. [GREXv3 | Word]  The striking thing, from a Gricean angle, is that Dio does not say:  λέγειν ... ("to say")  but  φρονεῖν ("to think") versus ψηφίζεσθαι ("to vote"). [GREXv3 | Word]  That is important. The charge is not:  "The senate says one thing and means another."  Nor:  "The senate says one thing and implies another."  Nor even:  "The senate says one thing and believes another."  The contrast is more institutional:  private judgment versus public vote.  In modern terms:  The senators inwardly favor A but officially vote for B.  That is closer to political cowardice, pressure, conformity, or opportunism than to implicature.  Why Caligula might dislike it The statement attacks the credibility of the senate as a deliberative body. If true, it implies:  Senate decrees do not express senatorial judgment.  The vote becomes a ritual rather than a genuine act of collective reasoning. That is politically dangerous regardless of whether it is true.  Grice and candour This actually fits better with Grice's concern with sincerity than with implicature. The Greek opposition is:  φρονεῖν ("thinking")  versus  ψηφίζεσθαι ("voting"). [GREXv3 | Word]  If the contrast had been:  φρονεῖν versus λέγειν  ("thinking" versus "saying"), then we would be much closer to your quotation from Alice and to Grice's  mean what you say  versus  say what you mean.  But Dio's wording is more constitutional and political than semantic.  A Grice-Speranza gloss One might formulate the progression like this:   Implicature  say A, mean B.    Insincerity  say A, believe B.    The case of Titius Rufus  think A, vote B.    The third is not quite a linguistic discrepancy at all. It is a discrepancy between deliberation and official action. Still, it comes very close to Grice's later concern that public performances often fail to reveal the attitudes that underlie them. The Greek is therefore philosophically revealing:  ἄλλα μὲν φρονεῖν ἄλλα δὲ ψηφίζεσθαι "to think one thing and vote another." [GREXv3 | Word]  That is less a theory of meaning than a theory of politics.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titinio – Ossia: Grice e Titinio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titinio. The gens Titinia was a minor plebeian family at ancient Rome. Members of this gens are mentioned as early as the time of the decemvirs, but only a few held any magistracies, and none of them ever attained the consulship.[1]  Origin The nomen Titinius belongs to a class of gentilicia formed using the suffix -inius, typically used to derive nomina from other gentilicia, or from surnames ending in -inus. In this instance, the name is likely derived from the nomen Titius, which in turn was formed from the praenomen Titus, and was reckoned a gentilicium of Sabine origin.[2]  Praenomina The chief praenomina of the Titinii during the Republic were Marcus and Gaius. The earliest Titinii mentioned in history also used Lucius and Sextus, while in a later period we find Publius, Quintus, and Gnaeus. All of these were amongst the most common names at all periods of Roman history.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Marcus Titinius, tribune of the plebs in 449 BC.[3] Sextus Titinius, tribune of the plebs in 439 BC.[4] Lucius Titinius Pansa Saccus, consular tribune in 400 and 396 BC.[5] Marcus C. f. C. n. Titinius, magister equitum in 302 BC to Gaius Junius Bubulcus Brutus.[6] Publius Titinius, legate in 200 BC, during the war against the Gauls.[7] Publius Titinius Menas, a Roman citizen who brought the first barber to Rome.[8] Marcus Titinius, tribune of the plebs in 193 BC.[9] Gaius Titinius, tribune of the plebs in 193 BC.[9] Marcus Titinius Curvus, praetor urbanus in 178 BC. He levied troops at Rome in this year, and gave an audience of the Senate to Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Lucius Postumius Albinus on their return from Spain.[10] Marcus Titinius, praetor in 178 BC, assigned to Nearer Spain with the title of proconsul, and governed it for four years, until 174. In 171, he was accused of malversation in the province, but was acquitted.[11] Gaius Titinius Gadaeus, one of the leaders of a slave revolt in Sicily; he betrayed an important fort to the praetor Publius Licinius Nerva in 103 BC.[12] Marcus Titinius, a legate of Licinius Nerva during the Servile War in Sicily; he was defeated by the slaves.[12] Gaius Titinius, the husband of Fannia who concealed Marius in 88 BC.[13] Gnaeus Titinius, a distinguished Roman eques, who resisted the tribune Marcus Livius Drusus in 91 BC.[14] Titinii, mentioned among the people of property proscribed by Sulla and murdered by Catiline in 81 BC.[15] Quintus Titinius, one of the judges at the trial of Verres in 70 BC, was a brother of Gaius Fannius, a Roman eques. This Titinius carried on the business of a moneylender, and as such Cicero had dealings with him. On the breaking out of the Civil War in 49 BC, he espoused the cause of Pompey, but his son, who had been adopted by one Pontius, and who is therefore called Pontius Titinianus, sided with Caesar.[16] Titinius, a centurion in the army of Cassius at the battle of Philippi in 42 BC, was sent by his commander, after his defeat by Antony, to see how Brutus had fared; but as Titinius did not return so soon as was expected, Cassius, supposing all was lost, put an end to his own life. Titinius, on his arrival, killed himself over the body of Cassius, to atone for his involuntary error.[17][18][19] Titinius, legate of Octavian in his war with Sextus Pompeius.[20] Gaius Titinius, a name that appears on coins, cannot be reliably connected to any of the Titinii mentioned in history. Titinius, a poet, is the earliest known composer of tabernariae. He survived Terence, but only fragments survive. Gnaeus Octavius Titinius Capito, a civil servant and writer of the late first and early second century. See also List of Roman gentes Titinius (disambiguation) References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 1157 ("Titinia Gens").  Chase, pp. 126, 129.  Livy, iii. 54.  Livy, iv. 16.  Livy, v. 12; v. 18.  Livy, x. 1.  Livy, xxxi. 21.  Kaufman, "Roman Barbers".  Livy, xxxv. 8.  Livy, xl. 59; xli. 5, 6.  Livy, xli. 15, 26; xliii. 2.  Diodorus, xxxvi.  Valerius Maximus, viii. 2.  Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 56.  Quintus Cicero, De Petitione Consulatus, c. 2.  Cicero, In Verrem, i. 49; Ad Atticum, ii. 4, v. 21, vii. 16, ix. 6, ix. 9, 18, 19.  Valerius Maximus, ix. 9.  Appian, Bellum Civile, iv. 113.  Plutarch, "The Life of Brutus", 43.  Appian, Bellum Civile, v. 111. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, In Verrem, Pro Cluentio. Quintus Tullius Cicero, De Petitione Consulatus (attributed). Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica (Library of History). Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium (Memorable Facts and Sayings). Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus (Plutarch), Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). David B. Kaufman, "Roman Barbers", in The Classical Weekly, No. 25 (March 21, 1932).  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William (1870). "Titinius". In Smith, William (ed.). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. Vol. 3. p. 1158. Categories: Roman gentesTitinii And about THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titinio – Ossia: Grice e Titinio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titinio. For the Titinii, there are several excellent Gricean candidates, but one towers above the rest:  Titinius, the centurion in Cassius' army at the battle of Philippi. [GREXv3 | Word]  Why? Because the entire episode is about misinterpretation of evidence, which is very close to Grice's concerns about what a sign warrants us in believing. According to Plutarch, Appian, and Valerius Maximus, after a reverse suffered by his forces, Cassius sent Titinius to discover the outcome on Brutus' side. Titinius failed to return quickly. Cassius interpreted the delay as evidence of disaster and killed himself. Titinius then returned safely, discovered what had happened, and killed himself over Cassius' body. [GREXv3 | Word] A perfect Grice-Speranza reconstruction:  (*) CASSIVS. Cur non redit? (Why does he not return?) +> All is lost. TITINIVS (reverting). Non hoc significabam. (That was not what my delay signified.)  The whole catastrophe turns on the distinction between:  a fact, an inference drawn from the fact, the meaning attributed to the fact.  Cassius reads:  delay  as  defeat.  But the sign underdetermines the conclusion. That is almost textbook Grice.  The poet Titinius A close second is:  Titinius, the earliest known composer of tabernariae. [GREXv3 | Word]  This is attractive because dramatic dialogue is one of the richest ancient sources for conversational phenomena:  irony, misunderstanding, indirect requests, innuendo.  A writer of comedies is practically a field linguist of ordinary language.  The barber There is also:  Publius Titinius Menas, who is credited with bringing the first barber to Rome. [GREXv3 | Word]  This creates an amusing link with the earlier Ticinius tradition and with the barbershop as a site of conversation. But historically the most memorable and philosophically richest Titinius remains the centurion at Philippi.  A genuinely Gricean moral The Philippi story turns not on what someone said, but on what someone concluded. Cassius observes:  Titinius has not yet returned.  He infers:  Brutus has been defeated.  He acts:  suicide.  The inference is false. Hence:  Observation ≠ interpretation.  A Speranzian gloss might be:  The Titinii contribute one of antiquity's great lessons in unintended communication. Titinius sent no message, uttered no word, and intended no signal. Yet his absence was interpreted as one. Cassius died not from a proposition but from an inference. That distinction would have pleased Grice greatly. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tittio – Ossia: Grice e Tittio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tittio. The gens Tittia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens appear in history, but Marcus Tittius Frugi attained the consulship in AD 80. A number of other Tittii are known from inscriptions.  Origin Several of the earlier Tittii came from Casilinum in Campania, while others came from Atina in Latium, near the Campanian border.  Praenomina The Tittii known from epigraphy used a number of common praenomina, chiefly Lucius, Gaius, Marcus, and Quintus. Besides these, a few Tittii bore other common names, including Gnaeus and Titus.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Tittius C. f., one of the officials in charge of building walls for the temples of Jupiter Optimus Maximus and the Dioscuri at Casilinum in Campania in 108 and 106 BC.[1] Gaius Tittius C. l. Philargyrus, a freedman named in an inscription from Casilinum, dating from the latter half of the first century BC.[2] Quintus Tittius Q. f., the husband of Tittia, and father of Tittius Pontanus, Lucius, Gnaeus, and Quintus Tittius, and Tittia. His son Tittius Pontanus built a family sepulchre for them all at Atina in Latium, dating from the first half of the first century.[3] Tittia M. f., the wife of Quintus Tittius, and mother of Tittius Pontanus, Lucius, Gnaeus, and Quintus Tittius, and Tittia. Her son Tittius Pontanus built a family sepulchre for them all at Atina, dating from the first half of the first century.[3] Tittius Q. f. Q. n. Pontanus, built a family sepulchre at Atina, dating from the first half of the first century, for himself, his wife, Tittia, his parents, Quintus Tittius and Tittia, brothers, Lucius, Gnaeus, and Quintus Tittius, and sister Tittia.[3] Tittia Sp. f., the wife of Tittius Pontanus, who built a family sepulchre at Atina, dating from the first half of the first century, for himself, his wife, his parents, brothers, and sister.[3] Lucius Tittius Q. f. Q. n., the son of Quintus Tittius and Tittia, and brother of Tittius Pontanus, who built a family sepulchre at Atina, dating from the first half of the first century, for himself, his wife, his parents, brothers, and sister.[3] Gnaeus Tittius Q. f. Q. n., the son of Quintus Tittius and Tittia, and brother of Tittius Pontanus, who built a family sepulchre at Atina, dating from the first half of the first century, for himself, his wife, his parents, brothers, and sister.[3] Quintus Tittius Q. f. Q. n., the son of Quintus Tittius and Tittia, and brother of Tittius Pontanus, who built a family sepulchre at Atina, dating from the first half of the first century, for himself, his wife, his parents, brothers, and sister.[3] Tittia Q. f. Q. n., the daughter of Quintus Tittius and Tittia, and sister of Tittius Pontanus, who built a family sepulchre at Atina, dating from the first half of the first century, for himself, his wife, his parents, brothers, and sister.[3] Tittia L. l. Daphne, a freedwoman named in a first-century inscription from Casilinum.[4] Marcus Tittius M. f. Gratus, buried in a first-century tomb at Gratianopolis in Gallia Narbonensis.[5] Gaius Tittius Titulus, the son of Vatio, buried at Gratianopolis, in a tomb dating from the latter half of the first century.[6] Marcus Tittius Frugi, consul suffectus for the last two months of AD 80, during the reign of Titus.[7] Tittius, a middle or late second-century potter whose maker's mark has been found at Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior and Brigetio in Pannonia Superior.[8][9] Titus Tittius T. f. Placidus Tuder, a speculator, or scout, named in an inscription from Rome dating from AD 180.[10] Tittius Felix, a member of the boot-makers' guild at Ostia in Latium in AD 198.[11] Marcus Tittius Castrensis, a soldier in the fifth cohort of the Vigiles at Rome in AD 210. He served in the century of Aeilius Torquatus.[12] Tittia Festa, a little girl buried at Puteoli in Campania, aged five years, three months, and one day, in a third-century tomb built by her mother, Pompeia Felicitas.[13] Undated Tittii Tittius, a potter whose maker's mark has been found at Axima in Alpes Graiae; Augustonemetum in Aquitania; Duroliponte, Londinium, and Eboracum in Britannia; and Argentorate in Germania Superior.[14][15] Tittia Amobbalis, buried at Lamiggiga in Numidia, aged eighty, with a tomb built by her heirs and legatees.[16] Tittius Asper, a physician at Rome.[17] Gaius Tittius Carmacus, a plumbarius, or plumber, who made an offering to Jupiter Optimus Maximus at Heliopolis in Syria, and donated statues of Sol, Luna, and Victoria.[18] Lucius Tittius Caupo, a potter whose maker's mark has been found at Baeterrae in Gallia Narbonensis.[19] Tittia Nice, dedicated a tomb at Rome for her daughter.[20] Tittius Oppius, a potter whose maker's mark has been found at Augusta Emerita in Lusitania.[21] Marcus Tittius Re[...], made an offering to one or more of the gods at Berytus in Syria.[22] Tittius Q. f. Rufus, a priest of Fortuna at Interamna Lirenas.[23] Tittius Cettinus Cocillus, an apparitor, or deputy to Sextus Julius Lucanus, one of the duumvirs of the city of Segusiavorum in Gallia Lugdunensis.[24] Lucius Tittius Thyrsus, a potter whose maker's mark has been found at Tarraco in Hispania Citerior.[25] Marcus Tittius C. f. Ursanus, named in an inscription from Atina, along with Julia Tima, a freedwoman of the emperor.[26] See also List of Roman gentes References  CIL I, 2944, CIL I, 3778.  CIL X, 4373.  CIL X, 5157.  CIL X, 6186.  CIL XII, 2290.  CIL XII, 2292.  AE 1998, 419, AE 2007, 106.  CIL III, 12014,559a. CIL III, 12014,559b.  Kovács and Szábó, Tituli Aquincenses, iii. 1457,20.  CIL VI, 2382.  CIL XIV, 4569.  CIL VI, 1057.  CIL X, 3017.  CAG, 67-02, p. 372; 73, p. 95; 63-01, pp. 231, 252.  CIL VII, 1336,1128a, CIL VII, 1336,1128b, CIL VII, 1336,1129.  CIL VIII, 4408.  CIL XV, 3623.  CIL III, 14386d.  CAG, 34-2, p. 351.  Nuovo Bollettino di Archeologia Cristiana, 1917–14.  Hispania Epigraphica, 2012, 00091.  CIL III, 6684.  AE 1911, 206.  CIL XIII, 1632.  CIL II, 4970,524e.  AE 1974, 230. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). Nuovo Bollettino di Archeologia Cristiana (1913–present). La Carte Archéologique de la Gaule (Archaeological Map of Gaul, abbreviated CAG), Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1931–present). Hispania Epigraphica (Epigraphy of Spain), Madrid (1989–present). Péter Kovács and Ádám Szábó, Tituli Aquincenses, Budapest (2009–present). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens?

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tittio – Ossia: Grice e Tittio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tittio. For the Tittii, I am tempted away from the consul and toward a much more Gricean figure:  Titius Sabinus, the friend of Germanicus, who was betrayed under Tiberius through the machinations of Sejanus. [GREXv3 | Word]  Why? Because the episode (as reported by Tacitus) is fundamentally about conversation as evidence. Sabinus was induced to speak, his words were covertly overheard, and the resulting reports were used against him. [GREXv3 | Word] That creates a splendid Gricean theme:  An utterance addressed to one audience may be interpreted by another.  A vignette:  (*) SABINVS. Tibi loquor. (I am speaking to you.) DELATOR. Et ego audio. (And I am listening.) +> The intended audience of an utterance need not coincide with its actual audience.  That is very close to later concerns about intended addressees and unintended overhearers.  A second excellent candidate is:  Titius Aristo, the jurist praised by Pliny the Younger. [GREXv3 | Word]  The Roman jurists are often astonishingly close to Oxford philosophers because they spend their lives asking:  What exactly was promised? What exactly was meant? What follows from the words used?  A jurist lives in the territory between sentence and consequence.  But there is a third, irresistibly Gricean Titius:  Titius Rufus, executed under Caligula for saying that the senate thought one thing and voted another. [lexundria.com], [lexundria.com]  Now that we have the Greek from Dio:  τὴν βουλὴν ἄλλα μὲν φρονεῖν ἄλλα δὲ ψηφίζεσθαι "the senate thinks one thing and votes another."  This is not quite implicature. The contrast is:  φρονεῖν = to think, ψηφίζεσθαι = to vote.  So the discrepancy is between:  private judgment  and  public action.  That is nearer to Grice's concern with sincerity than with conversational implicature.  However, if I had to choose a single Titius for Grice e Speranza, I would probably choose Titius Sabinus. Why? Because his downfall turns on a question that haunted Grice:  For whom is an utterance intended?  The speaker thinks he is talking to one person. The state is listening. And Roman history proceeds accordingly. [GREXv3 | Word] A Speranzian gloss:  The Titii teach that conversation is never merely between speaker and hearer. There may also be an auditor behind the wall, a prosecutor behind the auditor, and an emperor behind the prosecutor. The philosophy of conversation ends where the history of Rome begins.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tituzio – Ossia: Grice e Tituzio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tituzio -- The gens Titucia, occasionally spelled Tituccia, was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens are mentioned in history, of whom the most illustrious was Titucius Roburrus, praefectus urbi in AD 283.[1] Others are known from inscriptions.  Origin Most of the inscriptions of the Titucii are from Sabinum and adjoining regions of Samnium, indicating that the Titucii were probably Sabines, Samnites, or belonged to some other Oscan-speaking people of central Italy. The nomen Titucius is presumably derived from the cognomen Titucus, found in an inscription of the Flavia gens.[2]  Praenomina The praenomina known from the epigraphy of the Titucii are Titus, Gaius, Marcus, Quintus, and Manius. All of these were common throughout Roman history, although Manius, found in a filiation of this gens, was more distinctive than the others—perhaps due to its association with the Manes, the spirits of the dead.[3]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Titucius T. f., one of the quattuorvirs of Alba Fucens in Sabinum, where his ashes were deposited in a first-century cinerarium.[4] Titus Titucius, named in a first-century inscription from Marruvium in Sabinum.[5] Titus Titucius Florianus, together with Teia Galla, perhaps his wife, dedicated a first-century monument at Venafrum in Samnium for Narcissus, a slave and vilicus, or steward, aged twenty-five.[6] Titucia Grata, buried in a first-century tomb at Marruvium.[7] Titus Titucius Ɔ. l. Sota, a freedman buried in a first-century tomb at Lucus Angitiae in Sabinum.[8] Titucia M'. f., buried at Alba Fucens, in a tomb dating from the latter half of the first century.[9] Marcus Tituccius Daphnus, dedicated a second-century tomb at Rome for two slave-children of his household: Lucana, aged nine years, three months, thirteen days, and four hours, and her brother, Macedo, aged five years, two months, one day, and three hours.[10] Titucia Q. l. Felicula, a freedwoman buried at Astigi in Hispania Baetica, aged fifty, in a tomb dating from the latter half of the second century.[11] Titucius Roburrus,[i] praefectus urbi in AD 283, according to the Chronography of 354.[1][12] Undated Titucii Marcus Tituccius Saturninus, a member of the collegio tibicinum, or flute-players' guild, at Rome.[13] Quintus Titucius Silvinus, buried at the site of modern Cavillargues, formerly part of Aquitania.[14] Notes  Perhaps his surname should be "Reburrus". See also List of Roman gentes References  Chronography of 354.  AE 1972, 435.  Chase, pp. 155, 156.  CIL IX, 3951.  CIL IX, 7686g.  CIL X, 4917.  CIL IX, 7724.  CIL IX, 3902.  CIL IX, 4036.  CIL VI, 21517.  CIL, 2-5, 1288.  PIR, vol. III, p. 330 (T, No. 209).  CIL VI, 3877a.  CIL XII, 2749. Bibliography Chronography of 354. Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tituzio – Ossia: Grice e Tituzio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tituzio For the Titucii, I think the most Grice-Speranza-worthy figure is not the urban prefect Titucius Roburrus, about whom we know almost nothing beyond his office, but rather:  Marcus Tituccius Daphnus, who erected a tomb for two slave-children of his household and recorded their ages with astonishing precision:   Lucana: nine years, three months, thirteen days, and four hours. Macedo: five years, two months, one day, and three hours. [GREXv3 | Word]  What fascinates me is the inclusion of the hours. Most epitaphs stop at years, perhaps months and days. But here the age-recording approaches bureaucratic exactitude. A Gricean dialogue suggests itself:  (*) QVOT ANNORVM ERAT? (How old was she?) DAPHNVS. Novem annorum. (Nine years old.) AMICVS. SATIS EST. (That is enough.) DAPHNVS. Non mihi. (Not for me.) +> What counts as an adequate degree of information depends upon the purposes and emotions of the speaker.  That is a very Gricean moral. For an ordinary census:  "nine years old"  would satisfy Quantity. For a grieving guardian:  "nine years, three months, thirteen days, and four hours"  is not excessive. The informational standard has changed.  A second candidate is Marcus Tituccius Saturninus, a member of the guild of flute-players (collegium tibicinum). The tibicen occupies the borderland between language and music that we discussed with the Tigellii. [GREXv3 | Word] One could imagine:  (*) PHILOSOPHVS. Quid significat? (What does it mean?) TIBICEN. Non omnia significant. (Not everything signifies.) +> Some communicative effects arise without propositional content.   But my preferred Titucius remains Marcus Tituccius Daphnus. Speranza's gloss  The Titucii contribute an epitaph that records not merely years but hours. Philosophers of language ask how much information is enough. Daphnus' answer is that adequacy is relative to interest. For the indifferent observer, "nine years" suffices; for the bereaved, four additional hours still matter. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tituleno – Ossia: Grice e Tituleno – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tituleno -- The gens Titulena or Titulenia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens are mentioned in Roman writers, but several are known from inscriptions, of whom the most illustrious must have been Lucius Titulenus, a second-century governor of Raetia.  Origin The nomen Titulenus belongs to a class of gentilicia formed from the names of places or cognomina ending in -inus.[1] The root seems to be the cognomen Titulus, a diminutive of the praenomen Titus. Names of this type were common among gentes of Umbrian origin,[1] and several of the Tituleni were natives of Fanum Fortunae in Umbria, or from neighboring towns from the same region.  Praenomina The Tituleni known from epigraphy used several common praenomina, particularly Lucius, but also Gaius, Marcus, Quintus, and Titus. One early inscription indicates that the Tituleni also used the praenomen Vibius, which was uncommon at Rome, but more widespread in the rest of Italy.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Titulenus V. f., named in an inscription from Reate in Samnium, dating from 171 BC.[2] Titulenus, one of the quattuorvirs at Iguvium in Umbria, at some point in the latter half of the first century BC.[3] Quintus Titulenus Q. f. Major, dedicated a tomb at Camerinum in Umbria, dating between 30 BC and the middle of the first century, for Vibia, perhaps his daughter, aged twelve.[4] Titulena Galatia, built a first-century tomb at Rome for her son, Marcus Titulenus Justus.[5] Marcus Titulenus Justus, a boy buried at Rome, aged seven years, nine months, fifteen days, and eight hours, in a tomb built by his mother, Titulena Galatia.[5] Titus Titulenus Isauricus, buried in a late first-century tomb at Rome, dedicated by his wife, Julia Tyche.[6] Titulena Justa, dedicated a second-century family sepulchre at Rome for herself and her husband, Marcus Junius Dionysius, a physician.[7] Lucius Titulenus L. f., procurator, or governor of Raetia, probably during the reign of Antoninus Pius or slightly earlier. An inscription from Fanum Fortunae in Umbria records his military and political career: he had been one of the duumvirs, aedile, quaestor, prefect of a cohort and of an Ala, and military tribune of a Roman legion.[8] Titulenius Boniatus, made a donation to the cult of Vulcan at Celeia in Noricum, dating between AD 195 and 205.[9] Lucius Titulenius L. f. Respectus, a veteran of the Legio X Gemina, made an offering to Jupiter Optimus Maximus at Burnum in Dalmatia, dating between the middle of the second century, and the end of the third. He was buried at Tragurium, also in Dalmatia, in a tomb built by his wife, Titia Myrsine.[10] Titulenia Justina, dedicated a third-century tomb at Sorviodurum in Raetia for her husband, Julius Primitivus, a former soldier, aged sixty.[11] Lucius Titulenus L. l. Tertius, a freedman, was a native of Fanum Fortunae, and became one of the Seviri Augustales. He was buried in a third-century tomb at Fanum Fortunae, along with a boy named Lucius Titulenus Ursio, perhaps his son.[12] Lucius Titulenus Ursio, a boy buried in a third-century tomb at Fanum Fortunae, aged twelve, together with Lucius Titulenus Tertius, perhaps his father. The sepulchral inscription describes him as the freedman of a woman named Titulena.[12] Undated Tituleni Gaius Titulenius, buried at Rome.[13] Titulena T. f. Polla, the wife of Quintus Vettesius Scaeva, and mother of Quintus Vettesius Quadratus, who built a family sepulchre at Reate for himself, his parents, his sister, Vettesia Sabina, and their freedmen and freedwomen.[14] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, p. 118.  CIL I, 2661.  AE 1995, 470.  AE 1990, 324.  CIL VI, 27538.  CIL VI, 27537.  CIL VI, 9585.  CIL XI, 6221.  CIL IV, 11699.  CIL III, 2677, CIL III, 14982.  CIL III, 5692.  CIL XI, 6238.  Opuscula Romana, 1961-183,13.  CIL IX, 4654. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Opuscula Romana: Annual of the Swedish Institute in Rome, (1954–2007). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Tituleno – Ossia: Grice e Tituleno – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Tituleno For the Tituleni, there is an irresistible candidate for a Grice-Speranza note:  Marcus Titulenus Justus, the boy whose epitaph records his age as: seven years, nine months, fifteen days, and eight hours. [GREXv3 | Word]  You will notice that this resembles the Tituccius Daphnus epitaph we discussed, where ages are likewise given down to the hour. From a Gricean perspective, this immediately raises a Quantity question:  Why "eight hours"?  Ordinarily,  "He died at seven"  would suffice. Even  "seven years and nine months"  might seem enough. Yet the inscription adds:  fifteen days, eight hours. [GREXv3 | Word]  The information is excessive relative to ordinary practical purposes, but perfectly intelligible relative to mourning. A Speranzian dialogue:  (*) AMICVS. Quot annorum erat? (How old was he?) MATER. Septem annorum. (Seven years old.) AMICVS. Satis. (Enough.) MATER. Non mihi. (Not to me.) +> Relevance is indexed to concern.  A bereaved parent counts differently from a census clerk.  There is also a splendid onomastic joke in the family itself. The name appears to derive from Titulus according to the account you've supplied. [GREXv3 | Word] Now titulus in Latin can mean:  an inscription, a label, a title.  A philosopher of language can hardly resist. We have:  Titulus → Titulenus.  One is tempted to ask:  Is the Titulenus merely the bearer of a titulus?  A Gricean parody:  (*) QVIS ES? (Who are you?) TITVLENVS. (Titulenus.) +> The answer is itself a titulus.   A second candidate is Lucius Titulenus, governor (procurator) of Raetia, whose inscription records an impressively long cursus from local magistracies through military commands to provincial office. [GREXv3 | Word] But philosophically I still prefer little Marcus Titulenus Justus. Speranza's gloss  The Tituleni contribute an epitaph whose precision descends to the hour. Philosophers dispute how much information is enough. Mothers, apparently, have a different standard. The additional eight hours say nothing useful to the state, but everything important to the person who commissioned the inscription. [GREXv3 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titurio – Ossia: Grice e Titurio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titurio. The gens Tituria was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens appear in history, of whom the most famous is Quintus Titurius Sabinus, one of Caesar's legates during the Gallic Wars.[1] Other Titurii are known from inscriptions.  Origin The nomen Titurius is listed by Chase among those gentilicia that either originated at Rome, or cannot be shown to have come from anywhere else.[2] The surname Sabinus, borne by several members of this family, suggests that they considered themselves the descendants of the Sabines, an ancient people of central Italy,[3] many of whom were said to have settled at Rome beginning in the time of Romulus.[4][5]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Titurii were Lucius and Gaius, the two most common names at all periods of Roman history. Other praenomina occurring in this gens include Titus, Quintus, Marcus, and Decimus, of which only Decimus was relatively distinctive. The filiation of one early member of this family indicates that they also used the praenomen Vibius, which was decidedly uncommon at Rome.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Lucius Titurius L. f. Sabinus, one of the triumviri monetales at some point between about 89 and 84 BC. He might be the same person as the legate who brought fifteen cohorts of Pompeius to their winter quarters in Celtiberia in 75 BC.[6][7] Quintus Titurius Sabinus, one of Caesar's legates during the Gallic Wars. He put down an uprising in 56 BC, but two years later was slain by Ambiorix, along with Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta.[8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15] Tituria Zosima, buried at Brundisium in Calabria, aged forty-five, at some point between 20 BC and AD 30.[16] Tituria Ɔ. l. Synetia, a freedwoman buried at Rome early in the first century, along with the freedwoman Tituria Xyne and the freedman Quintus Caesius Artemo.[17] Tituria Ɔ. l. Xyne, a freedwoman buried at Rome early in the first century, along with the freedwoman Tituria Synetia and the freedman Quintus Caesius Artemo.[17] Lucius Titurius V. f. Sabinus, named along with the freedwoman Cornelia Chila in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, dating from the first half of the first century.[18][19] Gaius Titurius Festus, a centurion in the fourteenth cohort of the praetorian guard at Iuvavum in Noricum in AD 69.[20] Gaius Titurius C. l. Felix, a freedman, built a tomb at Casinum in Latium, dating between the beginning of the first century and the middle of the second, for the freedwoman Decitia Fortunata, and his former master, Gaius Titurius Sabinus.[21] Gaius Titurius C. f. Sabinus, buried at Casinum, in a tomb built by his freedman, Gaius Titurius Felix, dating between the beginning of the first century and the middle of the second.[21] Tituria Ɔ. l. Chrysis, a freedwoman, donated one pound, ten ounces of silver to Venus at Sentinum in Umbria, at some point between the middle of the first century and the end of the second.[22] Titus Titurius, named in an inscription from Vercellae in Gallia Narbonensis, dating between the late first century and the middle of the second.[23] Lucius Titurius Sabinus, dedicated a monument at Rome, dating from the first half of the second century, for the family of Marcus Valerius Dius.[24] Marcus Titurius C. f., a soldier in the third cohort of the Legio II Traiana Fortis, dedicated a sepulchre at Alexandria, dating from between AD 120 and 150, for himself and his wife.[25] Gaius Titurius Valens, a native of Patavium in Venetia and Histria, was a soldier in the century of Proculus, in the sixth cohort of the praetorian guard, stationed at Rome between AD 135 and 137.[26] Lucius Titurius Maxurius, one of the magistri fontis at Rome in AD 140.[27] Gaius Titurius Secundus, a native of Vercellae, was a soldier in the century of Proclus, in the fourteenth urban cohort. He was buried in a second-century tomb at Rome, having served for seventeen years, with a monument from his brother.[28] Titurius Proculus, a centurion in the Legio XXII Primigenia, during the government of Marcus Bassaeus Astur in Arabia Petraea, toward the end of the second century.[29][30] Tituria Veneria, buried at Cirta in Numidia in the late second or early third century.[31] Titurius [...]ulanus, named in a fourth-century sepulchral inscription from the site of modern Ferentillo in Umbria.[32] Tituria Rufina, buried at Albulae in Mauretania Caesariensis, aged about twenty-three, on the fourth day before the Nones of October[i] in AD 499 or 500.[33] Undated Titurii Titurius, a potter whose maker's mark was found at Aquileia in Venetia and Histria.[34] Titurius, a potter whose maker's mark has been found on pottery from various sites in Gallia Belgica.[35] Titurius, a potter whose maker's mark has been found on pottery from Britannia.[36] Lucius Titurius, a potter whose maker's mark was found on potter from Latium or Campania.[37] Titurius Festus, buried at Madaurus in Africa Proconsularis, aged forty, along with a younger man named Lucius Titurius Festus, and Titurius Maurus.[38] Lucius Titurius Festus, Madaurus, aged twenty-one, along with an older Titurius Festus, and Titurius Maurus.[38] Titus Titurius T. f. Mamercus, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, along with Titus Titurius Sabinus and Tituria Sabina.[39] Titurius Maurus, buried at Madaurus, along with Titurius Festus, and a younger man named Lucius Titurius Festus.[38] Tituria Sabina, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, along with Titus Titurius Mamercus and Titus Titurius Sabinus.[39] Titurius Sabinus, a potter whose maker's mark was found on pottery from an uncertain province.[40] Titus Titurius T. f. Sabinus, named in a sepulchral inscription from Rome, along with Titus Titurius Mamercus and Tituria Sabina.[39] Quintus Titurius Saturninus, buried at Mactaris in Africa Proconsularis, aged eighty-five, with a monument from one of his children.[41] Decimus Titurius Secundus, named in an inscription from Concordia in Venetia and Histria.[42] Tituria Ser[...], a girl buried at Carmo in Hispania Baetica, aged ten.[43] Lucius Titurius C. f. Sura, buried at Ateste in Venetia and Histria, with a monument from the freedwoman Acutia Auga.[44] Tituria Tuenda, dedicated a tomb at Aquileia for the freedman Quintus Cervius Treptus and Quintus Cervius Pudens.[45] See also List of Roman gentes Notes  October 4, by modern reckoning. References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 691 ("Q. Titurius Sabinus").  Chase, p. 132.  Chase, p. 114.  Livy, i. 13.  Dionysius, ii. 46.  Sallust, Historiae, ii. 94.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 100, 454.  Caesar, De Bello Gallico, ii. 5, 9, 10; iii. 11, 17–19, v. 24–37.  Cassius Dio, xxxix. 45, xl. 5, 6.  Suetonius, "The Life of Caesar", 25.  Livy, Epitome, 106.  Florus, iii. 10.  Orosius, vi. 8.  Eutropius, vi. 14.  Broughton, vol. II, pp. 199, 205, 213, 219, 226.  CIL IX, 6137.  CIL VI, 13967.  CIL VI, 27539.  PIR, vol. III, p. 331 (T, No. 210).  AE 1933, 128.  AE 2015, 304.  AE 1941, 96.  AE 1986, 262.  CIL VI, 27988.  CIL III, 6611.  CIL VI, 2375.  CIL VI, 159.  CIL VI, 39469.  Inscriptions Grecques et Latines de la Syrie, xiii. 1, 9081, 9082.  AE 1920, 73.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 1803.  CIL XI, 4994.  AE 1985, 979.  Pais, Supplementa Italica, 1080,434.  CAG, ii, p. 514; lix. 2, p. 277; lxii. 1, p. 104, 2, p. 452.  CIL VII, 1336,1134a, CIL VII, 1336,1134b.  CIL X, 8056,357, CIL X, 8056,358c.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, i. 2708.  CIL VI, 27540.  AE 1995, 1820.  CIL VIII, 11878.  AE 2002, 541.  Hispania Epigraphica, 1997, 784.  CIL V, 2709.  CIL V, 1153. Bibliography Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico (Commentaries on the Gallic War). Gaius Sallustius Crispus (Sallust), Historiae (The Histories). Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Romaike Archaiologia (Roman Antiquities). Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, De Vita Caesarum (Lives of the Caesars, or The Twelve Caesars). Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum Omnium Annorum DCC (Epitome of Livy: All the Wars of Seven Hundred Years). Lucius Cassius Dio, Roman History. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae (Abridgement of the History of Rome). Paulus Orosius, Historiarum Adversum Paganos (History Against the Pagans). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Ettore Pais, Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementa Italica (Italian Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum), Rome (1884). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). Inscriptions Grecques et Latines de la Syrie (Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Syria), Paris (1929–present). La Carte Archéologique de la Gaule (Archaeological Map of Gaul, abbreviated CAG), Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1931–present). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952–1986). Hispania Epigraphica (Epigraphy of Spain), Madrid (1989–present). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titurio – Ossia: Grice e Titurio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titurio. For the Titurii, there is really no contest. The patron saint of a Gricean entry is:  Quintus Titurius Sabinus, Caesar's legate in the Gallic War, famous for his dealings with Ambiorix and for the disastrous destruction of his force together with Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta. [GREXv3 | Word]  Why is he so Gricean? Because the whole episode in De Bello Gallico Book V is about trusting testimony, interpreting advice, and reasoning from another person's utterances. Ambiorix and the problem of belief In Caesar's narrative, Ambiorix approaches the Roman commanders and presents himself as a benefactor. He warns them of impending danger and advises them to leave their camp. Sabinus believes him; Cotta does not. [GREXv3 | Word] The disagreement is not over facts directly observed. It is over:  whether a speaker is to be trusted.  A Gricean reconstruction:  AMBIORIX. I speak for your benefit. COTTA. Why should I believe you? SABINUS. Why should he deceive us? +> The acceptance of testimony depends not merely on what is said but on assumptions concerning the speaker's intentions.  That is extraordinarily close to Grice's concern with communicative intention.  The fatal inference The tragedy is that Sabinus treats Ambiorix's warning as reliable information. Cotta treats it as a hostile stratagem. One of them is right. In modern philosophical terms, the issue is:  When is an utterance evidence?  Grice often emphasizes that understanding an utterance requires assumptions about rational cooperation. The catastrophe at the Titurian camp occurs because one party assumes cooperation where none exists.  Titinius and Titurius An amusing contrast with the previous Titinius. The story of Titinius at Philippi concerned a mistaken inference from an event:  "He has not returned."  Cassius infers defeat. The story of Titurius Sabinus concerns a mistaken inference from an utterance:  "Ambiorix says we should leave."  Sabinus infers goodwill. [GREXv3 | Word] Thus:                  FigureSource of errorTitiniusInterpretation of a factSabinusInterpretation of a speaker The second is even more directly Gricean.  The runner-up A surprising alternative is the poet Titinius, the earliest known composer of tabernariae. [GREXv3 | Word] Since comedy thrives on:  misunderstanding, double meanings, concealed intentions,  one could easily make him the patron of conversational implicature. But historically Sabinus is richer.  Speranza's gloss  The Titurii furnish Grice with a military example of misplaced conversational confidence. Ambiorix speaks; Sabinus believes; Cotta doubts. The issue is not grammar, logic, or vocabulary. It is whether one is entitled to assume that the speaker's apparent benevolence corresponds to his actual intentions. The answer, unfortunately for Sabinus, was no. [GREXv3 | Word] Well, Grice with a pinch of sale. Homo hominis lupus, Hobbes. War is war. Grice seems to be saying that the principle of conversational helpfulness operates among a decent chap and another decent chap, in normal circumstances. Not other. Thanks Quite. In fact, I think one must be careful not to "over-Griceanize" poor Sabinus. Grice's Cooperative Principle was never intended as a sociological law:  "All human beings are always cooperative."  Nor even:  "Enemies cooperate conversationally."  Rather, it is a rational principle governing the interpretation of discourse when one is entitled to treat the exchange as a cooperative enterprise. The famous formulation speaks of contribution to a conversation in accordance with its accepted purpose or direction. The crucial word is:  accepted.  That is precisely what is missing between Ambiorix and Sabinus. [GREXv3 | Word] A Hobbesian would say:  homo homini lupus.  A Roman commander in enemy territory would be wise to agree. So Cotta's position is actually rather un-Gricean only in appearance. He is effectively saying:  "Why assume cooperative purposes here?"  And that is a perfectly Gricean question. The error is not failure to apply the Cooperative Principle. The error is perhaps applying it where its preconditions are absent. One might say:                          SituationGricean assumptionFriendly conversationReasonableLegal negotiationOften reasonableDiplomatic parleySometimes reasonableEnemy commander in wartimePotentially hazardous Which is why Grice always stresses intentions and purposes rather than blind trust. Indeed, a nice Oxonian refinement would be:  The Cooperative Principle is not a principle of morality. It is a principle of interpretation.  Ambiorix may be lying. The question is whether Sabinus is justified in interpreting him as if he were not. A Hobbesian and a Griceian can therefore agree perfectly well:  War is war.  The Hobbesian adds:  Therefore trust nobody.  The Griceian adds:  Therefore do not assume a common conversational enterprise unless there is evidence for one.  In that sense, Cotta may be the more Gricean of the two commanders. Speranza might put it:  Sabinus assumes cooperation; Cotta questions the assumption. Grice's principle tells us what follows if an accepted conversational purpose exists. It does not guarantee that Ambiorix has accepted it. That is a military problem rather than a semantic one. And add to that that Amb. possibly needed a 'legatus' or interpreter since Brythionic -- or old Gallic -- is not something Cotta speaks, nor Latin is something Amb. does -- Do we know the Latin for the report? Thanks Yes, and this is precisely where the historical reality may be less Gricean and more anthropological. We should remember that Ambiorix was an Eburonian chieftain in Belgic Gaul, while Sabinus and Cotta were Roman officers. Whether Ambiorix spoke fluent Latin is not something Caesar explicitly tells us in the passages I have found. I have not found a source stating whether an interpreter was used. So we should be cautious. Caesar certainly records long speeches, but that does not prove direct linguistic communication; ancient historians routinely present speeches in polished literary Latin regardless of the language actually spoken. [thelatinlibrary.com], [profcurious.com] What we do have is Caesar's account of the Roman reaction. After the council of war, Caesar writes:  ut quibus esset persuasum non ab hoste, sed ab homine amicissimo Ambiorige consilium datum "as though they had been persuaded that the advice had been given not by an enemy but by the most friendly Ambiorix." [novalatin.weebly.com], [discoverlatin.com]  That sentence is devastatingly ironic. The key phrase is:  non ab hoste, sed ab homine amicissimo Ambiorige "not by an enemy, but by the very friendly Ambiorix." [novalatin.weebly.com], [discoverlatin.com]  Caesar is practically saying:  "They behaved as if Ambiorix were their best friend."  From a Gricean standpoint, Sabinus' mistake is not really a linguistic one. It is not a misunderstanding of Latin. It is a mistaken attribution of intentions. He effectively assumes:  Ambiorix is giving information for our benefit.  Whereas Cotta assumes:  Ambiorix is an enemy and therefore his advice should be treated as strategically interested.  So I think your earlier Hobbesian qualification is exactly right. The issue is not:  "How shall I interpret this utterance given that we are engaged in a cooperative exchange?"  but rather:  "Are we engaged in a cooperative exchange at all?"  That is logically prior to Grice's Cooperative Principle. A nice Speranzian formula might be:  Grice begins with conversation among decent chaps. Ambiorix and Sabinus begin with war. Before one can infer an implicature, one must first determine whether the speaker is a conversational partner or an enemy commander. Caesar's point is that Sabinus got that preliminary question wrong. [novalatin.weebly.com], [discoverlatin.com]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titurnio – Ossia: Grice e Titurnio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titurnio -- The gens Titurnia was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens are mentioned in history, but others are known from inscriptions.[1]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Titurnii were Gaius, Marcus, and Lucius, the three most common names at all periods of Roman history. Other praenomina found in this family include Quintus, Titus, and Decimus, of which Quintus and Titus were common, while Decimus was more distinctive.  Branches and cognomina Several of the earlier Titurnii came from towns in Venetia and Histria, but the great majority of inscriptions from this family show that they settled in Roman Africa at an early date, prospering there until at least the second or third century.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Marcus Titurnius Rufus, the last member of a family with whom Cicero had long been warmly acquainted. In 46 BC, the orator earnestly recommended him to Manius Acilius Glabrio.[2][1] Marcus Titurnius M. f. Africanus, in 2 BC rebuilt the temple of Tellus at Vaga in Africa Proconsularis.[3] Gaius Titurnius C. l. Florus, a freedman who dedicated a tomb at Altinum in Venetia and Histria during the first half of the first century for his patron, the freedman Gaius Titurnius Gratus.[4] Gaius Titurnius C. l. Gratus, a freedman buried at Altinum during the first half of the first century, with a monument from his client, the freedman Gaius Titurnius Florus.[4] Gaius Titurnius C. l. Senecio, a freedman buried at Aquileia in Venetia and Histria during the latter half of the first century, in a sepulchre built by the freedman Jucundus.[5] Gaius Titinius Quartio, an eques in the Legio III Gallica, probably during Trajan's Parthian campaign of AD 115, since his inscription mentions trophies won at Seleucia and Babylon. After serving for thirty-five years, Quartio was buried at the site of modern Naimine er Rodoui, formerly part of Africa Proconsularis.[6] Titurnia Extricoi, buried in a second-century tomb at Castellum Celtianum in Numidia, aged eighty.[7] Titurnia Januaria, buried in a second-century tomb at Castellum Celtianum, aged forty-five.[8] Titurnia Rogata, buried in a second-century tomb at Castellum Celtianum, aged forty.[9] Titurnia Silvana, buried in a second-century tomb at Castellum Celtianum, aged ninety-five.[10] Titurnius Postumus, the former master of Titurnia Artemonis, who made a second- or third-century offering in his honour to Diana at Segobriga in Hispania Citerior.[11] Titurnia Artemonis, a freedwoman, made an offering to Diana at Segobriga, dating between the beginning of the second and the late third century, in honour of Titurnius Postumus, her former master.[11] Titurnius Rogatus, a soldier in the first cohort of the vigiles at Rome in AD 205. He served in the century of Victor.[12] Titurnia, buried in a second- or third-century tomb at Castellum Celtianum.[13] Gaius Titurnius Villanus, buried in a second- or third-century tomb at Castellum Celtianum, aged forty-one.[14] Undated Titurnii Titurnia, buried at Lambaesis in Numidia, aged sixty, with a monument from her husband, Gaius Sextius Bassus.[15] Titurnius, made an offering to Saturn at Calama in Africa Proconsularis.[16] Titurnius, dedicated a tomb at Ammaedara in Africa Proconsularis for his father, Gaius Titurnius Felix.[17] Decimus Titurnius D. T. l. Diphilus, a freedman named in an inscription from Tarraco in Hispania Citerior.[18] Titurnia Fausta, buried at the site of modern Ouled Sellam, formerly part of Africa Proconsularis, aged thirty.[19] Gaius Titurnius C. f. Felix, buried at Ammaedara in Africa Proconsularis, aged sixty-two, with a monument from his son, Titurnius.[17] Lucius Titurnius L. f. Felix, buried at Uchi Maius in Africa Proconsularis, aged sixty-five.[20] Quintus Titurnius Fortunatus, named in an inscription from the site of modern Chettaba, formerly part of Numidia.[21] Lucius Titurnius Januarius, buried at Civitas Popthensis in Numidia, aged forty-one.[22] Titurnia Maximina, wife of the priest Gaius Terebellius Paternus, with whom she made an offering at Cuicul in Numidia in honour of their children, Terebellius Nestor and Grania.[23] Titurnia Marcia, buried at Respublica Vahartanensium in Mauretania Caesariensis, aged sixty.[24] Titurnia Monula, buried at Castellum Phuensium in Numidia. The portion of the inscription giving her age is damaged, but she was at least twenty.[25] Titurnia Nina, buried at Vasampus in Africa Proconsularis, aged one hundred and fifteen, with a monument from her son, Rogatus Felix Messor.[26] Titurnia L. f. Quintilla, buried at Milevum in Numidia, aged twenty-five.[27] Titurnia Rogata, a young woman buried at Castellum Celtianum, aged eighteen.[28] Quintus Titurnius Saturninus, made an offering at Thignica in Africa Proconsularis.[29] Gaius Titurnius Verus, dedicated a tomb at Aquileia for the freedwoman Vettia Sabina, aged twenty-six, perhaps his mother.[30] Titurnius Vitalis, buried at Zugal in Numidia, aged eighty.[31] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 1159 ("M. Titurnius Rufus").  Cicero, Ad Familiares, xiii. 39.  CIL VIII, 14392.  CIL V, 2272.  CIL V, 1415.  AE 1913, 48.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 3338.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 3339.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 3340.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 3342.  CIL II, 3093b.  CIL VI, 1056.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 3337.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 3336.  CIL VIII, 18463.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, i. 3995.  AE 2011, 1649.  CIL II, 6135.  Inscriptions Latines de La Tunisie, 1234.  AE 2006, 1728.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 3, 8969.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, i. 1166.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 3, 7737.  AE 1992, 1900.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 3, 9601.  AE 2003, 1981.  CIL VIII, 20064.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 1, 3341.  Epigraphica, 2021–192.  CIL V, 1449.  Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 3, 8430. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). Epigraphica, Rivista Italiana di Epigrafia (1939–present). Alfred Merlin, Inscriptions Latines de La Tunisie (Latin Inscriptions from Tunisia), Fondation Dourlans, Paris (1944). Category: Roman gentes And for THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Titurnio – Ossia: Grice e Titurnio – Grex griceiana – verbalia: Titurnio For the Titurnii, I think the most Gricean figure is not the governor or the soldier, but the one person for whom we glimpse an actual social relation:  Marcus Titurnius Rufus, whom Cicero warmly recommends to Manius Acilius Glabrio in a letter of 46 BC. [GREXv3 | Word]  Why? Because a letter of recommendation is one of the most interesting speech acts in antiquity. The writer is not merely stating facts. He is doing something by saying them. Cicero's point is not:  "Rufus exists."  but:  "You should treat Rufus favorably."  The recommendation carries both explicit content and a social force. A Grice-Speranza vignette:  (*) CICERO. Vir bonus est. (He is a good man.) GLABRIO. Quid vis ut faciam? (What do you want me to do?) CICERO. Intellegis. (You understand.) +> The practical point of a recommendation commonly exceeds its literal wording.  This is very close to what Grice would later call the difference between what is said and what is conveyed.  An African Titurnia A second irresistible figure is:  Titurnia Nina, whose inscription gives her age as 115 years. [GREXv3 | Word]  Whether or not modern demographers would believe the number, the inscription raises a fascinating issue:  Why record age at all?  An epitaph is already identifying the deceased. The age is additional information. It helps construct a life-story in miniature. A Gricean could say:  (*) Quot annorum fuit? (How old was she?) RESPONSUM. Centum quindecim. (One hundred and fifteen.) +> Numerical precision can serve commemorative as well as informational purposes.   The best cognomen Among the names, I am also attracted to:  Gaius Titurnius Gratus and his freedman Gaius Titurnius Florus. [GREXv3 | Word]  Gratus means:  pleasing, welcome, grateful.  One immediately recalls your earlier discussions of:  charis, please, s'il vous plaît,  and the whole Gricean territory of interpersonal acknowledgment.  Speranza's gloss  The Titurnii contribute not a famous statesman but a recommendation. Cicero's praise of Marcus Titurnius Rufus is valuable because recommendations operate largely through what they invite rather than what they explicitly command. They are exercises in civilized implication. A decent chap writes to another decent chap; the rest is left to understanding. [GREXv3 | Word] In fact, Grice's first example of implication is _him_ saying of Jones, "He has beautiful handwriting" at Oxford collections -- Jones being Grice's tutee. He repeats the example but in the third person (without the incorrigibility and privileged access of the first person): he quotes a tutor referring to his tutee as "his attendance to tutorials has been regular." -- Do we have the Latin for Tullio's piece -- and to what 'office' was our 'hero' 'recommended'? Thanks

 Yes, and in this case we are unusually fortunate, because the letter is very short and the Latin survives. The reference is:  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares 13.39, addressed to Manius Acilius Glabrio, then proconsul. [texts.alpheios.net], [romanletters.org]  The Latin text runs:  Cum familia Titurnia necessitudo mihi intercedit vetus; ex qua reliquus est M. Titurnius Rufus, qui mihi omni diligentia atque officio est tuendus. Est igitur in tua potestate ut ille in me satis sibi praesidi putet esse. Quapropter eum tibi commendo in maiorem modum et abs te peto efficias ut is commendationem hanc intellegat sibi magno adiumento fuisse. Erit id mihi vehementer gratum. [texts.alpheios.net]  A fairly literal rendering would be:  "I have an old connection with the Titurnii; of that family the sole survivor is Marcus Titurnius Rufus, whom I am bound to protect with every care and devotion. It therefore lies in your power to make him think that he has sufficient support in me. Accordingly I recommend him to you most strongly and ask that you make this recommendation of real assistance to him. I shall be extremely grateful." [texts.alpheios.net]  Now comes the important Gricean point. To what office was Rufus being recommended? The sources I found do not specify any office. Cicero merely recommends Marcus Titurnius Rufus to Manius Acilius Glabrio. [romanletters.org], [texts.alpheios.net] Indeed, the language is notably vague. Cicero does not say:  "Give him post X."  Nor:  "Make him quaestor."  Nor:  "Appoint him to office Y."  Instead he says:  eum tibi commendo ("I recommend him to you") [texts.alpheios.net]  and  efficias ut ... sibi magno adiumento fuisse ("make this recommendation a great help to him"). [texts.alpheios.net]  That vagueness is precisely what would interest Grice. The explicit content is:  "I recommend Rufus."  The practical import is:  "Please do something beneficial for Rufus."  But Cicero leaves the exact action unspecified. Rather like Grice's Oxford tutor saying:  "His attendance at tutorials has been regular."  The sentence does not literally say:  "He is intellectually weak."  Yet that may be what is conveyed. Similarly, Cicero does not literally say:  "Advance Rufus' career."  Yet that is very plausibly what Glabrio is expected to infer. A Speranzian gloss might be:  The recommendation works because its force exceeds its wording. Cicero does not instruct Glabrio what favour to perform. He merely recommends Rufus and relies on Glabrio to determine what conduct would appropriately honour the recommendation. The speech act is therefore underdetermined lexically and completed pragmatically. [texts.alpheios.net] And can we parse the Latin more carefully -- Tullio seems repetitive -- I recommend him and make this recommendation be notified to him that I'm recommending -- there's something self-referential -- and no reason behind the recommendation -- or what purpose of a recommendation. Grice, for example, distrusted letters of recommendation -- or of NON-recommendation. When his office as fellow and tutor at St. John's, the governing body was informed, 'He does not return library books' at his previous positions qua scholar -- this is the anti-recommendation -- and usually by backchannels -- Richardson reports it in his obituary for Grice in St. John's College Records. Thanks Yes. The letter is interesting precisely because, viewed pragmatically, it is rather thin. Cicero gives remarkably little content and a great deal of force. The text again:  Cum familia Titurnia necessitudo mihi intercedit vetus; ex qua reliquus est M. Titurnius Rufus, qui mihi omni diligentia atque officio est tuendus. Est igitur in tua potestate ut ille in me satis sibi praesidi putet esse. Quapropter eum tibi commendo in maiorem modum et abs te peto efficias ut is commendationem hanc intellegat sibi magno adiumento fuisse. Erit id mihi vehementer gratum. [texts.alpheios.net]  Let's unpack it. First sentence  Cum familia Titurnia necessitudo mihi intercedit vetus  Literally:  "There exists between me and the Titurnian family an old connection."  Already this is a justification, but a very Roman one. Not:  "Rufus is brilliant."  Not:  "Rufus is honest."  Not:  "Rufus deserves advancement."  Instead:  "I have an old tie to the family."  The recommendation is grounded in amicitia and necessitudo, not merit. Then:  ex qua reliquus est M. Titurnius Rufus   "of that family Marcus Titurnius Rufus is the survivor remaining."  Then:  qui mihi omni diligentia atque officio est tuendus   "whom I must protect with every care and devotion."  Notice the passivity. Cicero does not explain why Rufus deserves protection. The obligation arises from the prior connection.  Second sentence  Est igitur in tua potestate   "It is therefore in your power..."  Then:  ut ille in me satis sibi praesidi putet esse.  Almost:  "that he may think he has enough support in me."  This is the curious part. Cicero's aim is not merely:  Help Rufus.  His aim is:  Make Rufus aware that Cicero's recommendation has practical effect.  The appearance of influence matters.  Third sentence This is where the self-reference appears.  eum tibi commendo   "I recommend him to you."  Then:  efficias ut is commendationem hanc intellegat sibi magno adiumento fuisse   "bring it about that he understands that this recommendation has been of great assistance to him."  The structure is almost reflexive:  I recommend him. You help him. He recognizes that my recommendation helped him.  The recommendation recommends itself. In modern bureaucratic English:  "Please help the candidate, and please make it clear that my letter mattered."   A Gricean reading This is exactly the sort of document that would make Grice suspicious. The explicit content is tiny:  old family connection, please help Rufus.  The omitted content is enormous:  What help? For what purpose? Why does Rufus deserve it? What office is sought?  None of this is stated. [texts.alpheios.net] A modern referee might write:  "His attendance has been regular."  The implicature may be devastating. Cicero, by contrast, gives almost no evaluative information at all. The recommendation functions socially rather than evidentially. It is less:  "He is qualified."  than:  "He is my man."   Grice and the anti-recommendation Your St John's example is actually illuminating.  "He does not return library books."  That is almost the mirror image of Cicero's letter. The anti-recommendation gives:  one apparently trivial fact,  while inviting enormous conclusions. Cicero does the opposite:  offers virtually no facts, supplies only patronage.  The hearer must infer:  "If Cicero writes this warmly, I ought to do something."  The recommendation's force lies mostly outside its literal content. A Speranzian gloss might be:  The remarkable feature of Cicero's letter is that it contains hardly any recommendation in the modern sense. There is no testimonial, no evidence, no character analysis. Instead, Cicero invokes an old connection and asks that the recommendation itself be made efficacious. The letter exemplifies not the conveyance of information but the activation of a social network. Grice would have noticed that most of the work is being done by what is left unsaid. [texts.alpheios.net]