Catalogue Raisonné of J. L.
Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I
Verbali: Scl
Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P.
Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Sclavione -- Grice e
Sclavione: la ragione conversazionale e il lizio di Padova. Note su Conciliator differentiarum philosophorum et medicorum. Il Gruppo
di Gioco di H. P. Grice. Pietro Sclavione (Abano, Veneto): la ragione
conversazionale e il lizio di Padova. The comparison
between Grice and Pietro Sclavione highlights two different but compatible ways
of grounding reason in human communication, one pragmatic and inferential, the
other naturalistic and physiological. Grice’s theory of reason‑governed
conversational meaning explains how communication works at the level of shared
rational expectations: speakers rely on cooperation, relevance, and intention
recognition to generate meanings that go beyond what is literally said, and
these meanings are regulated by norms that are epistemic rather than
biological. Sclavione, by contrast, approaches conversation from the
perspective of the Paduan naturalist tradition associated with Abano,
explaining speech and communication as functions rooted in the body, governed
by causal mechanisms of sensation, articulation, and neural organization. Where
Grice is concerned with how rational agents infer meaning in dialogue,
Sclavione is concerned with how speech is physically produced and received,
replacing theological explanations with natural causes. Yet the two converge in
their rejection of mystery as an explanatory endpoint: Grice refuses to explain
meaning by appeal to convention alone without reasoned inference, while
Sclavione refuses to explain speech by miracle rather than nature. Grice
abstracts from physiology to describe the normative structure of conversational
reasoning, whereas Sclavione grounds communication in the natural sciences
while still assuming Aristotelian rational order. Together, they show how
conversational reason can be understood both as a biological capacity
developing in time and as a rational practice governed by rules of inference,
with Grice operating at the level of meaning and justification, and Sclavione
at the level of causal and functional explanation.Grice: “La ragione
conversazionale e l lizio di Padova – la scuola d’Abano -- filosofia veneta --
filosofia italiana S. inspired later Italian philosophers by establishing a
strictly naturalist and Aristotelian framework for human functions, including
speech and communication. His non-conformism, which led to two Inquisition
trials, challenges theological explanations by replacing "miraculous"
causes with natural, causal mechanisms. Foundations for Naturalist Communication
S.’s s influence on the philosophy of language and communication stems from his
physiological treatment of these topics in works like the “Expositio
Problematum”: Biological Basis of Speech: He identifies a specialised physical
"speech centre" in the brain connected to specific cranial nerves,
treating communication as a biological function rather than a purely spiritual
or divine gift. Mechanics of Articulation: He describes speech as a physical
process where the tongue "strikes" air to give sound a definite shape,
providing a materialist foundation for how human thought becomes vocalised.
Separation of Senses: By distinguishing the physical development of hearing
from that of speech organs (like the tongue), he establishes a developmental,
naturalist time-line for human communication. Influence on Later
Philosophers S.'s "science of sciences" approach made Padova a
premier centre for Aristotelianism, influencing generations of thinkers to seek
natural explanations for human behaviour. Paduan School of Medicine:
He founds a tradition that prioritized empirical observation and Aristotelian
logic over religious authority. This environment eventually nurtures
Renaissance thinkers like Pomponazzi, who further the naturalist study of the
soul and human nature. The reception of pseudo-Aristotle via
Abano’s edition. filosofia della lingua.
Grice: Caro Sclavione, che piacere
poterti finalmente chiamare per il tuo vero cognome, e non semplicemente
"da Abano"! Sarebbe come se mi chiamassero "da Harborne" —
una formalità che non rende giustizia all’identità personale. Sclavione:
Grice, la tua attenzione al nome mi onora! Troppo spesso la storia ci appioppa
etichette geografiche, dimenticando che dietro ogni "da Abano" o
"da Harborne" c’è un pensatore con una sua voce unica. Grice:
E proprio quella voce, caro Sclavione, ha aperto strade nuove nel modo di
intendere la comunicazione. La tua visione naturalista ha influenzato
generazioni di filosofi, portando la conversazione su basi più concrete e
fisiologiche. Sclavione:
Mi fa piacere che tu colga questo aspetto. Cercare le cause naturali, piuttosto
che miracolose, è stato per me più che una scelta filosofica: una necessità.
Così il nostro parlare diventa davvero umano, radicato nella natura e non solo
nel mistero. The comparison between Grice and Pietro Sclavione
shows how reason‑governed conversational meaning can be understood both as a
formal normative structure and as a culturally inflected practice. Grice’s
theory explains meaning in conversation by appeal to rational cooperation,
where humor, understatement, and timing generate implicatures because speakers
are presumed to act intelligently and purposively toward mutual understanding.
In the lighthearted exchange with Sclavione, humor itself functions as evidence
of rational control, not as distraction, illustrating Grice’s claim that
conversational effectiveness depends on sensitivity to context, audience, and
shared background assumptions. Sclavione’s Neapolitan perspective, as reflected
in Elementi di filosofia, implicitly reinforces this view by treating reason as
something that flourishes in lived circumstances rather than abstract
isolation: inference improves when embedded in everyday practices such as
conversation over coffee. While Grice abstracts reason into general maxims
governing all competent speakers, Sclavione embodies reason as tempered by
style, wit, and local intellectual habit, suggesting that rationality in
conversation is not diminished by humor but often expressed through it.
Together they reveal that reason‑governed meaning can be both formally
analyzable and socially cultivated, with Grice providing the theory of how such
meaning works and Sclavione exemplifying how it feels when practiced well. G.:
There it is again, the Martyrs’ Memorial, doing its best to turn a morning walk
into a thesis. S.: It improves the pavement, at least. Oxford would be morally
lazier without a few gothic spikes reminding it that theology once had
consequences. G.: You mean that English theology once acquired Italian manners.
S.: I mean fire. G.: Fire is too simple. Even in Italy the pyrotechnics were
more elaborate than the children’s version. Take Abano. They like to say he was
“sent to the stake,” as if the whole business were a straight line from
proposition to bonfire. In fact he dies first, and then they try him harder.
S.: Posthumous zeal is still zeal. The bones burn well enough for the lesson to
be legible. G.: Very good. You are already halfway to the Victorian Protestant
reading of everything. One wants a victim, a doctrine, and a flame, and one
dislikes historical detail because it lowers the temperature. S.: You are
defending the Church now. G.: Not the Church. Distinctions. Abano is destroyed
by an inquisitorial and ecclesiastical machinery, not by some cartoon “Catholic
Church” in the singular, as if a man in a mitre had simply struck a match. S.:
Yet you are content to let Mary Tudor stand for Marian burnings. G.: Because
“Marian” is at least a historical adjective and not a metaphysical slur.
Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley—those are Oxford’s own theatre of fire, and the city
has made excellent municipal use of them ever since. S.: The Memorial does not
let one forget it. G.: No, and the delight is that different men see different
lessons in the same stone. You look at it and think: Roman cruelty with an
English accent. I look at it and think: Victorian Protestantism pretending to
remember the sixteenth century while really lecturing the nineteenth. S.:
Meaning Newman. G.: Meaning Newman, yes, and more than Newman. The Oxford Movement,
if you insist on the later label, and the fear that Oriel had begun a sort of
slow return-ticket to Rome. S.: Oriel, yes. Newman, Pusey, Keble and the rest
turning piety into architecture by other means. G.: Quite. Which is why the
Memorial is so pleasingly dishonest. It commemorates Mary’s martyrs and
simultaneously warns against what people thought Newman might culturally
resurrect if left unchecked. S.: “What Newman could kill if you’d let him,” as
a coarser man might put it. G.: Much coarser, and much less accurate. Newman
did not want to burn anybody. He merely made enough people suspect that truth
could have liturgical consequences. S.: You are sounding high-church. G.: I
always do when the alternative is bad anti-Catholic history. Besides, high
church is the natural condition of a man who has dined often enough beneath
portraits and still remembers that the Thirty-Nine Articles once stood between
a boy and matriculation. S.: Ah yes, your beloved Articles. One could sign them
without reading them, and read them without understanding them, and understand
them without believing them. G.: Exactly. Which is why they are philosophically
useful. S.: Useful only if one enjoys absurdity. “I subscribe to what I cannot
explain.” It is a marvellous English invention. G.: It is more than English. It
is institutional logic in liturgical dress. The requirement was always hollow
in part because the boy of seventeen at Corpus, or elsewhere, could hardly be
expected to understand the full doctrinal content. S.: Yet he was expected to
be committed to it. G.: Formally, yes. And that is the beauty of the later
joke. One may be committed to the contents of the Articles without yet knowing
what they say; but that is not the same thing as owning each proposition as one’s
own avowal. S.: Which gets us back to the policeman and the monkeys. G.:
Naturally. If I say, “What the policeman said is true,” I am not thereby fully
committing myself to the content as if I had always believed it. When I later
learn that what he said was “Monkeys can talk,” I do not say, “I withdraw my
commitment.” I say, “I was wrong.” The commitment was second-order, not an act
of personal doctrinal inhabitation. S.: And you want the parallel with Abano to
be that the authorities took a restricted technical proposition and inflated it
into total impiety. G.: Precisely. Abano says something under the conditions of
natural philosophy or Aristotelian medicine. The audience hears “heresy.” They
convert local philosophical commitment into global doctrinal avowal. S.:
Inquisition as hostile uptake. G.: Nicely put. The hearers supply a stronger
implicature than the speaker intended and then punish him for the strengthened
proposition. S.: So your claim is that Abano’s affair is partly pragmatics. G.:
All intellectual persecution is partly pragmatics. The proposition alone never
burns; it is the public reading of the proposition that catches first. S.:
Still, why fewer such spectacles at Oxford, even before Henry VIII? G.: Because
England had different machinery, different forms of legal and ecclesiastical
discipline, and a different university ecology. Oxford had heresy trouble
enough—Wyclif, the Lollards, subscriptions, censures, statutes—but less of the
highly theatrical medico-natural-philosophical combustion one gets in Italy.
S.: Fewer pyrotechnics. G.: Exactly. Oxford had more compromised authority and
fewer philosopher-bones. Italy had better flames. S.: The Lollards then. You
promised me them properly. G.: Very well. Wyclif first, Oxford theologian, late
fourteenth century, Scripture, anti-clericalism, transubstantiation troubles,
the whole native package of English reform before “Reformation” becomes a
capitalised national habit. S.: And the Lollards are the followers, lay and
clerical, artisans and gentry, vernacular religion, anti-image tendencies,
anti-pilgrimage, Bible in English, and so forth. G.: Yes. English heresy with
domestic furniture. Less Padua, more parish. S.: So closer in date to Abano
than the Marian martyrs are. G.: Much closer. Abano dies 1316. Wyclif comes a
little later in the century; Lollardy flowers from the 1380s onward. Cranmer
and company are another two centuries off. If you want a sequence, it is Abano
first, then Wyclif and the Lollards, then the Marian martyrs. S.: And the kinds
of danger change. G.: Exactly. Abano’s danger is university naturalism and the
suspicion of illicit arts; Lollard danger is vernacular reform and
anti-sacramental doctrine; Marian danger is confessional reversal in a Tudor
state. S.: Which is why the Martyrs’ Memorial feels different from Italian
stories. It is not scholastic-natural-philosophical risk. It is Reformation
theatre. G.: Yes, and Victorian re-use of Reformation theatre. Never forget
that the monument itself is a later sermon in stone. S.: You said that once and
I believed you. It is still Oriel’s fault, though. G.: Not only Oriel’s. But
Oriel is the center of gravity if one wants the Oxford Movement in college
form. S.: Newman, Keble, Pusey by radius if not by common room. G.: Precisely.
“Oxford Movement” is itself a later label. At the time the movement was more
Tractarian than “Oxfordian.” But later historians need geography, and Oriel
gives them a neat one. S.: And the Memorial says: beware what Oriel may end in.
G.: Or what Protestants feared it might end in. Which is not the same thing.
The monument is anti-Marian memory and anti-Roman warning, both at once. S.: So
when you mentioned Catholic renewal you really meant Newman’s world. G.: Yes,
though “renewal” is an ecumenical word for what others called Romanising
contamination. S.: You are enjoying this too much. G.: Historical precision is
one of my few respectable pleasures. S.: Let us return to the Articles. You
said the requirement was silly because one could not expect a sixteen- or
seventeen-year-old to understand them. G.: Silly and revealing. It showed that
institutional subscription often wanted conformity more than comprehension. S.:
Lip service. G.: Exactly. Which is where you, as a good Marian moralist, and I,
as a bad high-church ironist, strangely converge. You hate the insincerity. I
admire the institutional candour about insincerity. Oxford knew very well that
assent often exceeded understanding. S.: And then later they dropped it. G.:
Gradually, under pressure of conscience, practicality, inclusion, and not least
the sheer absurdity of requiring doctrinal subscription from boys too young to
digest doctrine. S.: Which brings us back to the monkey. G.: Naturally. One
could say, “I am committed to the Articles,” and later discover one’s actual
content was as surprising as “monkeys can talk.” The institution wanted the
second-order commitment, not the full internalised avowal. S.: Abano had the
reverse problem. He made a restricted first-order philosophical claim and was
treated as if he had made a full anti-Christian avowal. G.: Exactly. Oxford
extracts formality without substance; the inquisitorial audience imputes
substance beyond formal claim. Between them, one can build a whole philosophy
of misassigned commitment. S.: You should have put that on the Memorial. G.:
Too long for the stone, and the Victorians preferred martyrs to speech-act
theory. S.: They had the right instinct. G.: They had the better stonemasons.
S.: So does Abano matter to us at all, beyond historical pyrotechnics? G.: Very
much so. Not because we still ask, in Oxford voice, “Is the soul immortal?” We
do not. We are too embarrassed by the noun. S.: Ryle saw to that. G.: Ryle saw
to one thing only: he made “the soul” or “the ghost” sound like a category mistake
in waiting. S.: Which settles Pomponazzi, Abano, and all their friends. No
soul, no immortality question. G.: No. It settles one vocabulary. It does not
settle the pressure behind it. S.: You mean personal identity. G.: Among other
descendants. Survival, memory, personhood, continuity, consciousness,
acquaintance with oneself or not, death as event or not. The old soul question
migrates into newer, more respectable nouns. S.: Stout then. G.: Precisely.
This is why I keep mentioning Stout. “Mind: A Quarterly Review of Psychology
and Philosophy” tells you everything. Psychology and philosophy still share the
old territory of psyche without daring to say soul. S.: So psyche is the soul
under scientific management. G.: A little too blunt, but yes, roughly. The
Greek survives where the theology is dropped. One can write psi for
psychological attitudes and pretend the old ground has vanished, when in fact
one is still walking on it. S.: And “philosophical psychology” is therefore
closer to Aristotle than “philosophy of mind.” G.: Very much so. “Philosophy of
mind” tempts one to reify. “Philosophical psychology” keeps the focus on
capacities, powers, attitudes, forms of life, what the De anima tradition knew
how to discuss before the soul became either a ghost or an embarrassment. S.:
You are going to drag in the power structure of the soul next. G.: I might. It
is an ugly phrase, but useful. The old tripartite or multi-part architecture
survives in moral psychology long after metaphysical soul-talk has gone out of
fashion. S.: Plato and the Republic. G.: Exactly. Socrates on Thrasymachus, the
soul and the city, rulers and auxiliaries and producers, reason and spirit and
appetite, all that cross-categorial traffic. One may think the doctrine silly
and still admire the explanatory ambition. S.: Explain that to Ryle. G.: Ryle
would say it all becomes confusion when one hypostasizes the parts. Fine. But
he does not thereby eliminate the need to speak of capacities, tendencies,
executive control, deliberative order, practical conflict. S.: Hence your later
fondness for powers. G.: And hence my refusal to let “soul” vanish too quickly
from the history, even if I do not use it in current analysis. Abano matters
because he belongs to the old cluster before it was broken up into mind, self,
person, psychology, and survival. S.: You are giving him a long tail. G.:
Better a long tail than a short bonfire. S.: How would this play in Locke? G.:
Nicely enough. Locke shifts the issue from soul-substance to personal identity
and consciousness. He is already post-Pomponazzi in idiom, though the old issue
lingers under the new title. S.: And then Hume, and then everyone after, and
eventually Parfit. G.: Exactly. Parfit is what happens when the soul has been
anatomised, the self thinned, identity loosened, and survival made possible
without any metaphysical treasure-chest. S.: So Abano matters because he stands
before the great translation. G.: Precisely. He is on the old side of the
lexical divide, where “soul” still does the work later spread across ten nouns
and two departments. S.: And Oxford’s fewer fires mean fewer dramas, but not
fewer problems. G.: Exactly. Oxford translated, Italy dramatized. S.: That
sounds unfair to Oxford. G.: It is accurate to Oxford. The city prefers to
preserve its quarrels in architecture and examination requirements rather than
in combustibles. S.: Hence the Memorial and the Articles. G.: Hence both. One
monument to remembered burnings, one institutional practice of requiring assent
without digestion. Both are ways of making doctrine social. S.: Which is why
your high-church posture is perverse. You prefer form to sincerity. G.: I
prefer knowing when form is being asked for. Sincerity without institution is
sentimentality. Institution without sincerity is hypocrisy. Oxford has
specialised in the second and named it tradition. S.: And Mary? G.: Mary is
useful because she tells the Protestant story what it most fears: that doctrine
backed by power becomes lethal. S.: And you think the Victorians used her to tell
Newman’s generation the same thing. G.: Very much so. The Martyrs’ Memorial
says, in effect: we know where this Roman road leads. S.: Which, in your mode,
is an implicature rather than a thesis. G.: All good monuments are
implicatures. They let the passer-by do some of the work. S.: Then let us say
this for Abano. He may not matter as doctrine, but he matters as a case where
the hearers did the wrong work. G.: Or the historically understandable work,
which is not always the same as the philosophically just work. S.: There you
are being charitable again. G.: One must be charitable if one wishes to
understand persecution without joining it. S.: One last question. Why do
Italians keep loving these figures. G.: Because they provide a native canon of
intellectual risk. A university culture likes to remember the moments when
thought was dangerous, especially after it has become professional. S.: Whereas
Oxford remembers its dangers by stone, satire, and subscription forms. G.: And
by quietly insisting that a boy might be committed to the Articles before he
understood them. Which is almost as comic as a philosopher being committed to
“monkeys can talk” because he trusted the policeman. S.: So the final parallel
is commitment misassigned. G.: Exactly. Abano says less than his judges hear.
The undergraduate affirms more than he can parse. The speaker who says “what
the policeman said is true” is neither fully insane nor fully avowing monkeys.
All three cases turn on the difference between formal and substantive commitment.
S.: That, I admit, is worth keeping. G.: Good. Then Abano matters after all.
S.: Historically. G.: And grammatically. S.: I shall not concede
metaphysically. G.: Nobody is asking you to. That, too, was the trouble in
Bologna. S.: And in Oxford? G.: In Oxford, the trouble is always milder. We
burn fewer men and more hours. S.: Which is why Boum Vadum will never rival
Bononia. G.:
No. Bononia had the pyrotechnics. Boum Vadum only has the better
footnotes.Grice: Caro Sclavione, ho appena letto i tuoi Elementi di filosofia e
confesso che sono rimasto colpito dal fatto che tu riesca a parlare di tutto
senza mai perdere il senso dell’umorismo, che è già una massima conversazionale
implicita. Sclavione: Carissimo Grice, a Napoli si impara presto che la ragione
funziona meglio se accompagna il caffè, altrimenti l’inferenza resta amara.
Grice: Questo spiega perché le tue premesse sembrano sempre più robuste dopo
colazione, mentre le conclusioni arrivano solo verso sera, quando la
conversazione è ben avviata.Sclavione: E tu, Grice, dovresti ammettere che
senza un po’ di spirito partenopeo anche la cooperazione conversazionale
rischia di sembrare una riunione senza biscotti. Sclavione, Pietro (1390). Conciliator differentiarum
philosophorum et medicorum. Padova.


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