SAT

 

Catalogue Raisonné of J. L. Speranza’s Publications – H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Sat

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satellio – Ossia: Grice e Satellio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satellio The gens Satellia was an obscure plebeian family of equestrian rank at ancient Rome. Few members of this gens are mentioned in ancient writers, but a number are known from inscriptions.[1]  Origin The nomen Satellius belongs to a class of gentilicia formed mainly from cognomina ending in the diminutive suffixes -illus and -ellus. There is no evidence of a surname Satellus, so the nomen is probably derived from satelles, an attendant, follower, or by extension, a bodyguard; the same word is the source of the English satellite.[2][3]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Satellii were Gaius and Marcus, two of the most common names throughout all periods of Roman history. The family occasionally used other common praenomina, including Lucius, Publius, Quintus, and Titus.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Marcus Satellius Q. f. Marcellus, one of the Seviri Augustales at Mevaniola in Umbria, where he built a tomb for himself and the freedwoman Muronia Prima, perhaps his wife, dating to the first part of the first century AD.[4] Gaius Satellius C. l. Myrtilus, a freedman buried at Septempeda in Picenum, together with his wife, the freedwoman Naevia Salvia, in a tomb dating to the first half of the first century AD.[5] Satellius Quadratus, mentioned by Seneca as a man who ingratiated himself to wealthy patrons, and benefited from their generosity and foolishness. Seneca relates an anecdote about a certain Calvisius Sabinus, who employed slaves to provide him with literary and historical names and references that he had been unable to learn; Satellius suggested that whole book-cases would have been cheaper.[6] Titus Satellius Eutychus, built a family sepulchre at Rome for himself, his wife, Suavettia Lachesis, and their sons, Titus Satellius Eutychus, and Titus Satellius Lascivus, dating to the late first century AD.[7][8] Titus Satellius T. f. Eutychus, the son of Titus Satellius Eutychus and Suavettia Lachesis, buried in a late first-century family sepulchre at Rome.[7] Titus Satellius T. f. Lascivus, the son of Titus Satellius Eutychus and Suavettia Lachesis, buried in a late first-century family sepulchre at Rome.[7][8] Marcus Satellius Eros, made a libationary offering to Hercules at Scarbantia in Pannonia Superior, some time in the second century.[9] Satellius Faustinus, died on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of December[i] in AD 393, aged thirty, and was buried at Altava in Mauretania Caesariensis.[10] Satellius Faustinus, died on the sixth day before the Ides of October[ii] in AD 412, aged eighteen, and was buried at Altava.[11] Undated Satellii Satellia, the mother of Aulus Papirius, named in an inscription of her son, also named Aulus Papirius, at Clusium in Etruria.[12] Satellia M. f. Anus, restored the apodyterium, or dressing room, of the Roman baths at Casilinum in Campania, and had the epistyle decorated with marble.[13] Gaius Satellius Asper, together with his wife, Glitia Mansueta, dedicated a tomb at Rome to their son, Gaius Satellius Clemens.[14] Gaius Satellius C. f. Clemens, buried at Rome with a monument from his parents, Gaius Satellius Asper and Glitia Mansueta.[14] Gaius Satellius Felix, guardian of the Lares at Scarbantia.[15] Marcus Satellius Florus, dedicated a tomb at Rome to Gaius Vettenus Socratus and Vettena Prima.[16] Gaius Satellius Januarius, an eques, dedicated a monument at Cirta in Numidia to his son, Marcus Satellius Rufinus Pancratius.[17] Satellia L. f. Maxuma, buried at Verona in Venetia and Histria, together with her husband and son, both named Marcus Virraus. Satellia C. l. Philematium, the wife of Gaius Vettius Plintha, named in two inscriptions from Clusium.[18] Marcus Satellius C. f. Rufinus Pancratius, a young man of equestrian rank, buried at Cirta, aged seventeen years, nine months, and ten days, with a monument from his father, Gaius Satellius Januarius.[17] Satellia Severa, buried at Rome with a monument from her son, Tifernius Severus.[19] Marcus Satellius Severus, a little boy buried at Rome, aged three years, ten months, and two days.[20] Publius Satellius C. f. Sodalis, a merchant buried at Carnuntum in Pannonia Superior, with a monument from his uncle, Quintus Varius Modestus.[21] Satellius Turanus, a member of the shipwrights' guild at Portus in Latium.[22] Marcus Satellius Tychius, the master of Felix, a slave buried at Rome, aged nineteen.[23] Satellia C. f. Velizza, named in an inscription from Clusium.[24] Footnotes  November 19.  October 10. See also List of Roman gentes References  PIR, vol. III, p. 175.  Chase, p. 124.  New College Latin & English Dictionary, s. v. satelles.  CIL XI, 6604.  CIL IX, 5618.  Seneca the Younger, Epistulae morales ad Lucilium, xxvii. 5–8.  AE 2001, 433.  CIL VI, 10350.  CIL III, 4233.  Marcillet-Jaubert, Les Inscriptions d’Altava, 106.  Marcillet-Jaubert, Les Inscriptions d’Altava, 130.  CIL XI, 2142.  CIL X, 3922.  CIL VI, 25871.  EDCS, 54501016.  CIL VI, 28658.  AE 1900, 195.  CIL XI, 7141, CIL XI, 7142.  CIL VI, 25872.  CIL VI, 8048.  AE 1938, 163.  CIL XIV, 256.  CIL VI, 8022.  CIL XI, 2145. Bibliography Lucius Annaeus Seneca (Seneca the Younger), Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium (Moral Letters to Lucilius). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Jean Marcillet-Jaubert, Les Inscriptions d’Altava (The Inscriptions of Altava), Aix-en-Provence (1968). John C. Traupman, The New College Latin & English Dictionary, Bantam Books, New York (1995). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satellio – Ossia: Grice e Satellio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satellio For the Satellii, I think the obvious Gricean hero is not the merchant, not the shipwright, but:  Satellius Quadratus, the man mentioned by Seneca. [GREXv2 | Word]  Why? Because the anecdote is about knowing, pretending to know, and borrowing intellectual labour from others. According to your entry, Seneca tells of Calvisius Sabinus, who employed slaves to supply him with literary and historical information he could not learn himself; Satellius Quadratus remarked that whole bookcases would have been cheaper. [GREXv2 | Word] That is almost a ready-made Oxford tutorial. Grice e Satellio Quadrato Speranza:  What is knowledge?  Grice:  Ask Sabinus.  Hardie:  He cannot answer.  Grice:  Then ask his slaves.  (Ha)  The philosophical issue is delightful. Sabinus wishes to appear learned. Instead of learning:  Homer,   history,   genealogy,  he hires people whose memories he can consult on demand. [GREXv2 | Word] So one asks:  Who knows?  Sabinus? The slave? The household? The system? (Ha)  A Gricean reconstruction Sabinus:  I know the passage.  Quadratus:  Do you?  Sabinus:  Certainly.  Quadratus:  Which slave knows it?  (Ha)  This has a distinctly modern flavour. Today one might ask:  If I obtain every answer from a database, do I know the answer?  Seneca's anecdote is an ancient version of the same problem. [GREXv2 | Word]  Why "Satellius"? There is an extra joke. The nomen Satellius is probably connected with:  satelles,  meaning:  attendant, follower, bodyguard. [GREXv2 | Word]  And what is Sabinus doing? He surrounds himself with intellectual attendants. A whole constellation of human memory satellites. (Ha) Verdict Hardie:  What is cheaper than learning Greek?  Grice:  Apparently a slave.  Hardie:  And what is cheaper than several slaves?  Grice:  According to Quadratus, a bookcase.  (Ha) So my first-best vignette for the gens Satellia is: Grice e Satellio Quadrato de Scientia Mutuata ("Grice and Satellius Quadratus on Borrowed Knowledge") because it raises an enduring Gricean question:  Is there a difference between possessing information and understanding it?  (Ha)

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satellio – Ossia: Grice e Satellio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satellio The alternative candidate One might choose:  Satellia Anus, who restored a bath-house dressing room. [GREXv2 | Word]  or  Publius Satellius Sodalis, the merchant. [GREXv2 | Word]  But neither is as philosophically rich as the Senecan anecdote.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satrio – Ossia: Grice e Satrio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satrio The gens Satria was a minor plebeian family at ancient Rome. Members of this gens are mentioned in the first century BC, and under the early Empire, but none of them rose higher than the rank of praetor. Otherwise the Satrii are known largely from inscriptions.[1][2]  Origin The nomen Satrius belongs to a large class of gentilicia apparently of Oscan origin, which may account for why the name does not appear at Rome until the end of the Republic. The nomen Satrienus seems to have been derived from Satrius using the gentile-forming suffix -enus, which was generally applied to existing nomina.[3]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Aulus Caninius Satrius, a friend of Cicero, who declined to undertake a lawsuit against him on behalf of Satrius' cousin, Caecilius, the uncle of Titus Pomponius Atticus, for colluding in a fraudulent land sale, in 65 BC. Cicero apologizes to Atticus for the rift this caused between him and Caecilius. Some texts amend Satrius to Satyrus.[4] Marcus Satrius, the nephew of Lucius Minucius Basilus, by whom he was adopted, and whose name he assumed. Although he had served under Caesar in Gaul and during the Civil War, he joined the conspiracy against him, ostensibly because he had not been rewarded with a province of his own in 44 BC. He was one of Caesar's assassins, but in the following year was killed by his own slaves, whom he had punished with mutilation.[5][6][7][8][9][10][11] Satrius, the legate of Gaius Trebonius in 43 BC.[12][13] Marcus Satrius Valens, praetor urbanus in AD 19.[14] Satrius Secundus, the husband of Albucilla, was persuaded by Sejanus to accuse the historian Aulus Cremutius Cordus of majestas, for praising Brutus and Cassius, the tyrannicides, in AD 25. Twelve years later, Satrius helped bring about Sejanus' downfall, evidently by providing Antonia with information about the plot against the emperor Tiberius.[15][16][17] Titus Satrius Decianus, appointed one of the curatores tabulariorum publicorum, or curators of the public records, in AD 43.[18] Satria (or Atria) Galla, wife of Gaius Calpurnius Piso who was spared by Nero after her husbands conspiracy.[19] Lucius Satrius Silvinus, a procurator, who dedicated a first-century tomb at Tergeste in Venetia and Histria to his wife, Caesidia Amabilis.[20] Satrius Rufus, an orator in the time of Pliny the Younger.[21] Lucius Satrius Abascantus, a freedman on whose behalf the younger Pliny petitioned the emperor Trajan for Roman citizenship.[22] Satria L. f., the wife of Juncus Major, who had been quaestor, tribune of the plebs, and praetor.[23] See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 722 ("Satrius").  PIR, vol. III, p 175.  Chase, pp. 118, 127, 128.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, i. 1.  Caesar, De Bello Gallico, vi. 29, 30, vii. 92.  Florus, iv. 2. § 32.  Lucan, iv. 416.  Appian, Bellum Civile, ii. 113, iii. 98.  Cicero, Epistulae ad Familiares, vi. 15.  Cassius Dio, xliii. 47.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 307.  Pseudo-Brutus, Epistulae ad Ciceronem, i. 6.  Broughton, vol. II, p. 354, Supplement, p. 55.  AE 1987, 163.  Josephus, Antiquitates Judaïcae, xviii. 6.  Tacitus, Annales, iv. 34, vi. 8, 47.  Seneca the Younger, De Consolatione ad Marciam, 22.  CIL VI, 916.  Bunson, Matthew (2014). Encyclopedia of the Roman Empire. Infobase Publishing. p. 228. ISBN 9781438110271.  CIL V, 536a.  Pliny the Younger, Epistulae, i. 5. § 11, ix. 13. § 17.  Pliny the Younger, Epistulae, x. 11.  CIL VI, 3837. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum, Epistulae ad Familiares. Gaius Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico (Commentaries on the Gallic War). Pseudo-Brutus, Epistulae ad Ciceronem (Letters to Cicero, attributed to Brutus, but of uncertain authorship). Marcus Annaeus Lucanus (Lucan), Pharsalia. Lucius Annaeus Seneca (Seneca the Younger), De Consolatione ad Marciam (To Marcia, on Consolation). Flavius Josephus, Antiquitates Judaïcae (Antiquities of the Jews). Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny the Younger), Epistulae (Letters). Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales. Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum Omnium Annorum DCC (Epitome of Livy: All the Wars of Seven Hundred Years). Appianus Alexandrinus (Appian), Bellum Civile (The Civil War). Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus (Cassius Dio), Roman History. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952–1986). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satrio – Ossia: Grice e Satrio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satrio For the Satrii, I think there are two exceptionally Gricean candidates, but one wins. Grice e Satrio Secundo namely:  Satrius Secundus, who first helped prosecute Aulus Cremutius Cordus under the influence of Sejanus, and later helped bring about Sejanus' downfall by supplying information through Antonia to Tiberius. [GREXv2 | Word]  Why him? Because he is a man whose historical importance lies almost entirely in the transmission of information. In one phase, he participates in accusation. In another, he becomes an informer against the informer. That is pure Gricean territory.  Grice e Satrio Speranza:  What did Satrius Secundus do?  Grice:  He talked.  Hardie:  Most Romans talked.  Grice:  His talk changed governments.  (Ha)  The fascinating point is that the same communicative act can be described differently:  informing, betraying, reporting, denouncing, warning.  The propositional content may be identical. The social characterization changes.  Hardie:  Was he a traitor?  Grice:  To whom?  Hardie:  Ah.  (Ha) That is exactly the sort of question Grice liked. The meaning of:  "Satrius revealed information"  depends enormously upon the conversational and political context.  The Cremutius Cordus angle The victim, Aulus Cremutius Cordus, was accused because he praised Brutus and Cassius. [GREXv2 | Word] That immediately raises a Gricean problem:  What is the difference between praise and endorsement?  If one says:  "Brutus was great,"  what exactly is being communicated? The Romans worried about that question rather intensely. (Ha) Verdict My first choice remains: Grice e Satrio Secundo de Delatione Speranza:  What is information?  Grice:  Something valuable.  Hardie:  How valuable?  Grice:  Valuable enough to destroy Sejanus.  (Ha) Among the Satrii, Satrius Secundus best embodies a Gricean theme: the political power of communicated information, and the thin line separating report, accusation, betrayal, and warning. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satrio – Ossia: Grice e Satrio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satrio A close runner-up The other very strong candidate is:  Aulus Caninius Satrius, friend of Cicero, involved in the awkward dispute described in the correspondence with Atticus. [GREXv2 | Word]  Because that is all about:  friendship, refusing requests, maintaining relationships.  A treasure-house of conversational implicatures. One can imagine: Atticus:  Why did your friend refuse?  Cicero:  For excellent reasons.  Atticus:  Which imply?  Cicero:  Precisely the difficulty.  (Ha) Does this help? The "awkward dispute" involving Satrius (often spelled Saturius in legal texts) and Cicero refers to the legal battle in the speech Pro Q. Roscio Comoedo (For Quintus Roscius the Actor). In this civil case, Publius Saturius was the opposing prosecutor representing Gaius Fannius Chaerea, while Cicero acted as the defense counsel for his close friend, the famous Roman comic actor Quintus Roscius. [1, 2, 3] The dispute was awkward because it involved a highly complex, pre-existing financial partnership over a slave, tangled account books, and intense personal posturing between Saturius and Cicero in front of the judge, Gaius Calpurnius Piso. [1, 2] The Core of the Legal Dispute The Slave Partnership: Fannius owned a talented slave named Panurgus. He entered a partnership with Roscius, who trained the slave in acting. They agreed to split any future profits from his performances 50/50. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5] The Murder and Settlement: Panurgus was murdered by a man named Flavius. Roscius sued Flavius and settled the matter by accepting a piece of land as compensation. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5] The Lawsuit: Fannius claimed that Roscius settled the land deal purely for his own profit, thereby cheating the partnership. Fannius, represented by Publius Saturius, sued Roscius for 50,000 sesterces.[1, 2, 3, 4] The Rhetorical Confrontation (Latin & English) During the trial, Saturius argued a strict legal definition of partnership: that anything a partner recovers regarding joint property must be shared with the partnership. Cicero had to awkwardly flip the narrative by attacking Saturius's logic and utilizing the missing or unentered financial ledgers (codices) to obscure the truth. [1, 2, 3] Below is the key excerpt from Cicero's Pro Q. Roscio Comoedo, Section 56, highlighting this specific confrontation: Latin Text "Saturius quidem vehementer in eo moratur, quicquid sibi socius adgregarit, id societatis fieri oportére. Quod si ita est, qua de causa, per deos inmortales! tam fuit Roscius stultus, qui de Fanni sententia et auctoritate ex formula cum Fannio provideret ut dimidium eius, quod a Flavio abstulisset, Fannio daret, si sine cautione, sine promisso nihilominus Fannius societati, hoc est Roscio, debebat?" English Translation *"Saturius persistently maintains that whatever a partner claims for himself becomes the property of the partnership. But if this is so, confound it! what a fool Roscius was, who on the advice and authority of men learned in the law, made a precise counter-stipulation with Fannius that he should pay him half of what he got from Flavius, since, without any security or counter-promise, Fannius none the less owed it to the partnership, that is, to Roscius." [1] Yes, that helps a great deal, and it actually suggests that my previous choice of Satrius Secundus may not be the most Gricean after all. If this identification is correct, then Publius Saturius of the Pro Q. Roscio Comoedo is a splendid Grice–Speranza character, because the whole case concerns:  what follows from an agreement, what partners may reasonably infer, accounting, obligations, and, above all, the interpretation of legal language.  In your excerpt, Cicero attacks Saturius' principle:  whatever a partner acquires belongs to the partnership.  Cicero's response is essentially:  "If that principle were really sufficient, why was a special stipulation necessary?"  That is wonderfully Gricean. Grice e Saturio de Implicatura Iuridica Speranza:  What does the partnership agreement mean?  Saturius:  Whatever one partner gains belongs to the partnership.  Grice:  Always?  Saturius:  Certainly.  Grice:  Then why make a supplementary agreement?  (Ha) The structure is very close to Grice's favorite style of argument:  Suppose your interpretation is correct. Then an additional communicative act would be redundant. But the parties performed the additional communicative act. Therefore your interpretation is probably incomplete.  That is almost a legal analogue of conversational implicature.  There is also a nice connection with your earlier discussion of pignus. The dispute is not merely:  Who owns the land?  but:  What follows from the previous agreement?  In other words:  What commitments were already in force?  That sounds remarkably like the Oxford concern with:  What did the parties undertake? What were they entitled to infer? What would be redundant to state explicitly?   A Hardie vignette almost writes itself: Hardie:  What is a partnership?  Grice:  A continuing conversation.  Hardie:  Nonsense.  Grice:  One party acts and the other infers consequences.  Hardie:  Better.  (Ha) So if we include the Roscius case, my revised first choice for the gens Satria would probably be: Grice e Saturio de Societate because it places Grice in a world of contracts, expectations, stipulations, and implied consequences—the legal cousin of conversational implicature. And there is an especially Ciceronian punchline: Saturius:  The agreement already implied it.  Cicero:  Then why was it expressly stated?  (Ha) That is very nearly the legal equivalent of Grice's question:  "If that was already part of what was said, why did the speaker bother saying it?"

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satrieno – Ossia: Grice e Satrieno -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satrieno The gens Satriena was an obscure plebeian family at ancient Rome. No members of this gens obtained any of the higher offices of the Roman state, but a number are known from coins and inscriptions.[1]  Origin The nomen Satrienus belongs to a class of gentilicia formed from other nomina using the suffix -enus. The root of the name is Satrius, the nomen of a more prominent gens.[2][1]  Praenomina The praenomina used by the Satrieni include Publius, Quintus, Gaius, and Lucius, four of the most common names throughout Roman history.  Branches and cognomina The Satrieni used a variety of common surnames, including Pollio, a polisher, belonging to a class of cognomina derived from occupations; Salvia and Secunda, old praenomina that came to be regarded as surnames; Juvenalis, youthful, and perhaps Celsa, originally given to one who was particularly tall.[3][4]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Satriena C. f.,[i] buried at Narbo in Gallia Narbonensis, together with Gaius Aemilius Philonicus and his wife, Aemilia Secunda.[5] Satriena P. f., buried at Rome.[6] Satrienus, named in an inscription from Aquinum in Latium.[7] Lucius Satrienus C. f., named in an inscription from Aquinum.[8] Publius Satrienus, as triumvir monetalis, minted coins bearing the head of Mars, or perhaps Pallas, on the obverse, and a she-wolf on the reverse.[9] Quintus Satrienus Cosmus, named in an inscription from Rome.[10] Satrienus Juvenalis, a military tribune in the eleventh legion, named in an inscription from the present site of Altenburg, formerly part of Germania Superior.[11] Quintus Satrienus Pollio, named in a first-century inscription from Rome.[12] Satriena P. l. Salvia, a freedwoman, and the wife of Quintus Pompeius Sosus, the freedman of Bithynicus, named in a funerary inscription from Rome.[13] Satriena Q. l. Secunda, a freedwoman buried at Rome.[14] Footnotes  Or perhaps Satriena Celsa. See also List of Roman gentes References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, p. 722 ("Publius Satrienus").  Chase, p. 118.  Chase, pp. 111, 141, 150, 151, 172.  New College Latin & English Dictionary, s. v. juvenalis.  CIL XII, 4552, CIL XII, 5120.  CIL VI, 38865a.  CIL X, 5522.  AE 1988, 264.  Eckhel, vol. v, p. 300.  CIL VI, 21048.  Finke, "Neue Inschriften", p. 106.  CIL VI, 23548.  CIL VI, 33087.  CIL VI, 25875. Bibliography Joseph Hilarius Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum Veterum (The Study of Ancient Coins, 1792–1798). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Hermann Finke, "Neue Inschriften" (New Inscriptions), in Berichte der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, vol. 17, pp. 1–107, 198–231 (1927). John C. Traupman, The New College Latin & English Dictionary, Bantam Books, New York (1995). Category: Roman gentes and from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satrieno – Ossia: Grice e Satrieno -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satrieno For the Satrieni, the evidence is rather thin, but I think there is still a very attractive Gricean choice: Grice e Satrieno Monetale namely:  Publius Satrienus, the triumvir monetalis whose coins bore the head of Mars (or perhaps Pallas) on the obverse and the she-wolf on the reverse. [GREXv2 | Word]  Why choose him? Because a coin is almost a textbook case of conventional meaning.  Grice e Nummo Speranza:  What does a coin mean?  Grice:  More than one thing.  Hardie:  Explain.  Grice:  It means one denarius in commerce.   It may also mean Rome.  (Ha)  The she-wolf is especially suggestive. A Roman does not merely see:  a female wolf.  He immediately recovers:  Romulus, Remus, the foundation of Rome.  The image functions through a shared cultural background. That is remarkably close to Grice's notion that hearers recover more than the literal content from what is presented.  A Coin as an Utterance Hardie:  Does a coin say anything?  Grice:  Certainly.  Hardie:  In words?  Grice:  Not necessarily.  (Ha) The moneyer's choice of image effectively communicates:  "This is Roman."   "This belongs to our civic story."  The coin becomes a small durable act of public communication. Verdict For the gens Satriena, I would choose: Grice e Satrieno Monetale because the coin raises a central Gricean question:  How can an image communicate more than it literally depicts?  A she-wolf is just a she-wolf. Yet to a Roman it also conveyed Rome, origins, ancestry, and civic identity. The gap between depiction and understood significance is very close to the territory in which Grice liked to work. (Ha) [GREXv2 | Word] and for the first -- Grice (seminar to Potts, tutee). Today's class is Indices. Potts: As in... Grice: Yes, as in Vitter's duck looking like a rabbit -- Potts: Or rabbit looking like a duck. Grice: Or (showing engraving), Satrieno's Mars/Pallas. Potts: She looks like Pallas tome. Shropshire: He looks like Mars. Grice: Authorial intention: Like Vitters, Satrieno meant BOTH. Thanks That is excellent, and in fact it turns the rather obscure Publius Satrienus into an honorary Oxford philosopher. Grice e Satrieno de Ambiguitate Iconica Grice (to Potts):  Today's topic is indices.  Potts:  As in Peirce?  Grice:  Not today.   As in seeing-as.  Potts:  The duck-rabbit?  Grice:  Precisely.  Potts:  A duck looking like a rabbit?  Grice:  Or a rabbit looking like a duck.  (Ha) Grice then produces a denarius of Publius Satrienus. The cataloguers themselves are uncertain whether the obverse depicts Mars or Pallas. [GREXv2 | Word] Grice:  Consider Satrienus.  Potts:  She looks like Pallas to me.  Shropshire:  He looks like Mars.  Grice:  Excellent.   Hardie (entering late):  Which is it?  Potts:  Pallas.  Shropshire:  Mars.  Grice:  Both wrong.  Hardie:  How can both be wrong?  Grice:  Because you assume the moneyer was forced to choose.  (Ha)  The Gricean move is that the ambiguity may itself be intended. Not unlike the duck-rabbit, where the point is not:  duck,  nor  rabbit,  but  the possibility of both aspects.  Grice:  Authorial intention, gentlemen.  Potts:  Mars?  Shropshire:  Pallas?  Grice:  Satrienus intended both.  (Ha)  And there is a Roman point to this.  and  represent quite different virtues:  Mars: martial prowess. Pallas: intelligence, strategy, wisdom.  A deliberately intermediate image would suggest:  military strength under intelligent guidance.  The ambiguity itself becomes meaningful. (That last point is an interpretive suggestion rather than something attested in the source.)  Hardie:  Then what does the coin mean?  Grice:  That depends.  Hardie:  On what?  Grice:  On whether one asks what it depicts or what it is intended to convey.  (Ha)  Potts:  So the image is neither Mars nor Pallas?  Grice:  Oh, it is Mars.  Shropshire:  Aha!  Grice:  As seen by you.  Potts:  Then it is Pallas.  Grice:  As seen by you.  Hardie:  And by Satrienus?  Grice:  By Satrienus it is a denarius.  (Ha) That strikes me as the strongest Grice–Speranza vignette for the gens Satriena: not merely a coin, but a Roman analogue of the duck-rabbit—the problem of "seeing as," authorial intention, and the coexistence of multiple legitimate interpretations. [GREXv2 | Word] Satrienus's son: What are you minting, Dad. Sat.: Mars. Son: Rather feminine-looking. He reminds me of Minerva. Dad: Whatever. Thanks (Ha) Excellent. One can hear the weariness of a Roman moneyer confronted by an unexpectedly perceptive child. Grice e Satrieno ad Monetam Filius:  Quid cudis, pater? (What are you minting, Dad?)  Satrienus:  Martem. (Mars.)  Filius:  Parum Martius videtur. (He doesn't look very Martian.)  Satrienus:  Quid ais?  Filius:  Minervam magis refert. (He looks more like Minerva.)  Satrienus:  Noli difficultates creare. (Don't create difficulties.)  (Ha)  Filius:  But if everybody thinks it is Minerva?  Satrienus:  Then it is Mars.  Filius:  Even if it looks like Minerva?  Satrienus:  Especially then.  (Ha)  The Gricean turn comes when the son discovers that authorial intention is not the whole story. Filius:  If you intended Mars, why does everybody see Minerva?  Satrienus:  Because the public is difficult.  Filius:  So the meaning depends on the audience?  Satrienus:  This conversation is over.  (Ha)  A few years later, in Oxford: Potts:  Is it Mars or Minerva?  Grice:  What did Satrienus intend?  Potts:  Mars.  Grice:  What does the public see?  Potts:  Minerva.  Grice:  Then we have philosophy.  (Ha) The nicest part is that poor Publius Satrienus, in choosing a coin type that modern cataloguers themselves describe as "Mars, or perhaps Pallas," has accidentally anticipated the duck-rabbit. A single image sustains two coherent readings. Satrienus:  Mars.  Son:  Minerva.  Grice:  An aspect-perception case.  Hardie:  Thursday. Same time.  (Ha)

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Satrieno – Ossia: Grice e Satrieno -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Satrieno A second candidate A runner-up would be:  Satrienus Juvenalis, military tribune of the Eleventh Legion. [GREXv2 | Word]  Purely because of the cognomen:  Juvenalis = youthful. [GREXv2 | Word]  One can imagine Hardie asking: Hardie:  Was he youthful?  Grice:  At some point.  (Ha) But that does not lead nearly as far philosophically as the coinage.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Sattio – Ossia: Grice e Sattio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Sattio The gens Sattia was an obscure plebeian family of senatorial rank at ancient Rome. Members of this gens are known from the final century of the Republic to the time of Diocletian, but few of them held any of the higher offices of the Roman state.[1]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Sattii were Gaius, Sextus, Quintus, and Marcus, all of which were very common throughout Roman history.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Gaius Sattius, named in an inscription from Praeneste in Latium, dating between 130 and 82 BC.[2] Quintus Sattius, one of the priests of Hercules at Casilinum in Campania, named in an inscription dating between 130 and 50 BC.[3] Gaius Sattius C. f., priest of Jupiter Optimus Maximus at Casilinum, named in an inscription dating to 108 BC.[4] Sextus Sattius C. f. Scaevola, buried at Volturaria in Apulia, in the first half of the first century AD.[5] Gaius Sattius C. f. Calatro, quaestor in AD 57.[6] Sattia Victorina, the daughter of Tiberius Claudius Privatus, a freedman of the emperor, and Claudia Fortunata, who dedicated a monument at Rome to her father.[7] Aulus Sattius Hebenus, one of those whose name was inscribed on the altar of Eternal Peace at Rome, built in AD 70.[8] Sattia, buried at Rome, aged seventy-six, with her husband, the physician Gaius Mattius Lygdamus, in a tomb dating to the period of the Flavian dynasty.[9] Gaius Sattius, a scout named in an inscription from Rome, dating to AD 126.[10] Marcus Sattius Rufinus, a scout named in an inscription from Rome, dating to AD 144.[11] Sattia Sabina, together with Titius Sabinianus, dedicated a monument at Lugdunum in Gallia Lugdunensis to their brother, Marcus Marclinius Lectus, a soldier in the thirteenth urban cohort, where he had served for six years, six months, and two days, dating to the latter half of the second century.[12] Marcus Sattius Felix, a prefect in the century of Marcus Julius Tauriscus, serving in the fifth cohort of the vigiles, at the beginning of the third century.[13] Marcus Sattius Felix, a prison guard in the fifth cohort of the vigiles, at the beginning of the third century.[13] Publius Sattius Firminus, a soldier in the century of Tiberius Claudius Rufinus, serving in the fifth cohort of the vigiles, at the beginning of the third century.[13] Sattius Clemens, a Roman senator in the time of Diocletian, was one of the municipal officials of Beneventum in Campania.[14][1] Quintus Sattius Flavius Vettius Gratus, a senator and augur named in an inscription from Rhegium in Bruttium, dating between AD 280 and 330.[15] Undated Sattii Sattia L. f., named in several inscriptions of uncertain origin.[16] Gaius Sattius C. f., the patron of Gaius Sattius Felix, perhaps his freedman, named in an inscription from Mediolanum in Cisalpine Gaul.[17] Quintus Sattius Q. l. Acceptus, a freedman buried at Venafrum in Samnium.[18] Sextus Sattius Sex. f. Agathyrsus, buried at Rome with a monument from his father, Sextus Sattius Hermes, aged eighteen years, two months, and two days.[19] Gaius Sattius Amandus, dedicated a tomb at Rome to his wife, Sattia Tryphosa.[20] Sattia Athenais, built a tomb at Ostia in Latium for her son, Sattius Felix.[21] Sattius Demetrius, dedicated a tomb at Rome for his daughter, Sattia Onomaste.[22] Sattia Ɔ. l. Erotis, a freedwoman buried at Rome, aged eight.[23] Sattius Felix, buried at Ostia with a monument from his mother, Sattia Athenais.[21] Gaius Sattius C. l. Felix, a freedman, and the client of Gaius Sattius, named in an inscription from Mediolanum.[17] Sextus Sattius Sex. l. Hermes, the freedman of Sextus Sattius Olympicus, dedicated a tomb at Rome to his son, Sextus Sattius Agathyrsus.[19][24] Sattia Januaria, buried at Beneventum in Campania, aged thirty-seven years, seven months, and eight days, with a monument from her husband, Sextus Marius Hilarus, with whom she lived for twenty-three years, nine months, and eleven days.[25] Marcus Sattius Januarius, a soldier in the second cohort of the vigiles, buried at Rufrae, aged twenty-two years and six months, with a monument from his parents, Fullius Januarius and Sattia Tymele.[26] Sattia Myrtale, buried at Nemausus in Gallia Narbonensis, with a monument from her daughter, Maximia Calvina, and sons, the Calvini Myrtalores.[27] Sextus Sattius Olympicus, built tombs at Rome for his wife, Oppia Primitiva, daughter, Marciana, and son, Sextus Sattius Olympus; buried at Rome by a younger son also named Sattius Olympus.[28][24][29][30] Sextus Sattius Sex. f. Olympus, buried at Rome, aged two years, ten months, and twenty-two days, with a monument from his father, Sextus Sattius Olympicus.[29] Sattius Sex. f. Olympus, a younger son of Sextus Sattius Olympicus, who dedicated a monument to his father.[30] Sattia Onomaste, buried at Rome, aged eight years, eight months, and nine days, with a monument from her father, Sattius Demetrius.[22] Sextus Sattius Ɔ. l. Philogenes, a freedman named in an inscription from Rome.[31] Gaius Sattius C. f. Sattianus, buried at Rome, aged twenty-three years, nine months, and twenty-eight days.[32] Sattia Silvia, buried at Beneventum with her husband, Gaius Modius Felix, sons, Gaius Modius Felix and Cocceius Silvinus, and freedman, Modius Renatus.[33] Sattia Silvina, buried at the present site of Montefalcione in Campania, aged thirty-two years, ten months, and ten days.[34] Sattia Tryphosa, buried at Rome, aged fifty-six, with a monument from her husband, Gaius Sattius Amandus.[20] See also List of Roman gentes References  PIR, vol. III, p. 175.  CIL XIV, 2999.  CIL I, 687.  CIL I, 2944.  CIL IX, 945.  CIL X, 5204.  CIL VI, 15228.  CIL VI, 200.  CIL VI, 9590.  CIL VI, 2405.  CIL VI, 2379.  CIL XIII, 1870.  CIL VI, 1057.  CIL IX, 1588.  AE 1923, 61.  CIL I, 3606.  CIL V, 6083.  CIL X, 4989.  CIL VI, 25897.  CIL VI, 25905.  CIL XIV, 1576.  CIL VI, 25904.  CIL VI, 25903.  CIL VI, 25898.  CIL IX, 1955.  CIL X, 4834.  CIL XII, 3875.  CIL VI, 23530.  CIL VI, 25899.  CIL VI, 25900.  CIL VI, 25901.  CIL VI, 25902.  CIL IX, 1887.  CIL IX, 1088. Bibliography Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Sattio – Ossia: Grice e Sattio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Sattio For the Sattii, I am torn between two candidates:  Quintus Sattius, priest of Hercules. Sattius Clemens, senator under Diocletian.  But neither is as philosophically fertile as the charming cluster surrounding:  Sextus Sattius Olympicus, his son Sextus Sattius Olympus, and the family tombs they built and rebuilt. [GREXv2 | Word]  So my first choice is: Grice e Sattio Olympico de Nomine The names themselves are irresistible:  Olympicus  and  Olympus. [GREXv2 | Word]  Immediately Hardie would ask: Hardie:  Was he Olympic?  Grice:  No evidence, sir.  Hardie:  Then why call him Olympicus?  Grice:  The Romans were under no obligation to wait for facts.  (Ha)  The family story is touching. Your entry records:  Sextus Sattius Olympicus building tombs for wife, daughter, and son. [GREXv2 | Word] A son named Sextus Sattius Olympus dying very young. [GREXv2 | Word] Another son, also named Sattius Olympus, later commemorating his father. [GREXv2 | Word]  The inscriptions are doing what conversation often does:  preserving identities after the speaker is gone.   A Gricean problem Speranza:  What is the meaning of a proper name?  Grice:  Ah.  Hardie:  Do not say "a rigid designator."  Grice:  I wasn't going to.  (Ha) Consider:  Olympicus  or  Olympus.  The names seem descriptive. They evoke:  Olympus, the gods, elevation, glory.  Yet the inscriptions do not establish that their bearer possessed any of these qualities. [GREXv2 | Word] The name carries implications beyond what it literally guarantees. That is Gricean territory. Verdict Hardie:  Why call a child Olympus?  Grice:  The same reason one calls a daughter Felicula.  Hardie:  Which is?  Grice:  Hope outruns evidence.  (Ha) So my first-best vignette for the gens Sattia is: Grice e Sattio Olympico because it lets Grice explore one of his favourite themes:  how names appear to describe, while functioning mainly to identify,  and how families use names and monuments to continue a conversation across generations. [GREXv2 | Word]

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Sattio – Ossia: Grice e Sattio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Sattio A second possibility A close runner-up is:  Gaius Sattius C. f. Calatro, quaestor in AD 57. [GREXv2 | Word]  Purely because Calatro is such a curious cognomen and invites the Hardie question:  "What does it mean?"  But the material is too thin.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Saturio – Ossia: Grice e Saturio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Saturio The gens Saturia was an obscure plebeian family of equestrian rank at ancient Rome. Members of this gens are first mentioned in the time of Cicero, and a number of them had distinguished military careers, but none of them attained any of the higher offices of the Roman State.[1][2]  Origin The nomen Saturius seems to be derived from satur, meaning "full", "plump", or "fertile", and is probably derived from the cognomen Saturus, as is the related Saturio. The Saturii were probably of Sabine or Picentine ancestry, as several of them bore the surnames Sabinus and Picens, both belonging to a common class of cognomen alluding to one's origins, and a number of the family resided at Asculum in Picenum.[3][4]  Praenomina The main praenomina of the Saturii were Gaius, Lucius, and Publius, three of the most common names throughout Roman history.  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Saturia C. f., named in an inscription from Caere, dating to the second or first century BC.[5] Publius Saturius, one of the judges who presided over the trial of Aulus Cluentius Habitus, and later opposed Cicero in the trial of the actor Quintus Roscius.[6] Decimus Saturius L. l. Dama, a freedman who built a tomb at Rome for himself, Saturia Philoclea, and their household, dating to the first century BC.[7] Saturia D. l. Philoclea, a freedwoman, perhaps of Decimus Saturius Dama, who built a tomb at Rome for them and their household in the first century BC.[7] Saturia P. l. Rufa, a freedwoman named in an inscription from Falerii Nova, dating to the time of Augustus.[8] Lucius Saturius Admetus, the freedman of Januarius, buried at Asculum in Picenum, in the first half of the first century AD.[9] Saturius, the slave of Scaevinus, named in an inscription from Interamna Lirenas in Latium, dating to AD 38.[10] Titus Saturius T. f. Celer, buried at Firmum in Picenum, in the first century.[11] Marcus Saturius, one of the municipal duumvirs at Pompeii in Campania.[12] Gaius Saturius Secundus, a cavalry prefect in Rhaetia during the reigns of Vespasian and Titus, named in inscriptions from Guntia, Augusta Vindelicorum, and Germanicum.[13] Saturius Firmus, the son-in-law of Asinius Rufus, one of the intimate friends of both Tacitus and the younger Pliny, who speaks warmly of Saturius.[14] Saturius,[i] decurion of the chamberlains, was one of the assassins of Domitian in AD 96.[15] Publius Saturius Sabinus, named in a first or second century inscription from Rome.[16] Saturius, a scriba associated with a freedman of Trajan, buried at Rome together with his wife, Aurelia Severa, children, Januarius Aurelius Fortunatus and Victorinus, and foster-son, Saturius Felix.[17] Saturius Felix, the foster-son of the scribe Saturius.[17] Marcus Saturius M. f. Maximus, a native of Celeia in Noricum, was an eques serving in the tenth cohort of the Praetorian Guard at Rome, where he was buried some time in the second century, aged thirty, having served for twelve years. His heirs erected a monument in his memory.[18] Gaius Saturius Sabinus, a native of Truentum,[ii] was a soldier serving in the century of Granius at Rome, circa AD 208.[19] Undated Saturii Saturia, buried at Rome, with a monument from her father, Saturius Lu[...].[20] Saturia, buried in a family sepulchre at the present site of Stranice, formerly part of Noricum, together with her husband, Januarius Genialis.[21] Saturia L. f., named in an inscription from Grumentum in Lucania.[22] Saturius, buried at Narona in Dalmatia, together with his wife, Titia.[23] Gaius Saturius T. f., named in an inscription from Cupra Maritima in Picenum.[24] Lucius Saturius L. f., named in an inscription from Grumentum.[22] Publius Saturius, freed a slave at Corcyra Nigra in fulfillment of a vow made to Publius Clemens.[25] Saturius Antiochus, dedicated a tomb at Puteoli in Campania to his wife, Faenia Felicitas, a native of Syria, aged forty.[26] Saturius Basilius, buried at Caurium in Lusitania, with a monument from his wife, Vibia Felicitas, with whom he lived for eleven years.[27] Saturia L. l. Chia, a freedwoman, and the daughter of Staphinus, was buried at Asculum in Picenum, aged twenty-six, with a monument from her former master, Lucius Saturius Clemens.[28] Lucius Saturius Clemens, built a tomb at Asculum in Picenum for his freedwoman, Saturia Chia.[28] Lucius Saturius L. f. Cluia Laburius, military tribune of the sixth legion, buried at Venafrum in Samnium, aged forty-one.[29] [Att...?] Saturia Erhennia, buried at Asculum with Gaius Saturius Sic[...]us, with a monument from Gaius Saturius Picens.[30] Lucius Saturius Felix, named in an inscription from Carthage in Africa Proconsularis.[31] Saturius Gratus, a scriba, who built a tomb at Puteoli for his wife, Aelia Felina, aged twenty-one years, three months, and eleven days.[32] Saturius Lu[...], the father of Saturia, for whom he built a tomb at Rome.[20] Lucius Saturius Maro, buried at Rome with monument from Pompeia Secundina.[33] Quintus Saturius Q. f. Maximus, patron of the municipium of Nursia in Sabinum.[34] Saturia Montana, buried at Sicca Veneria in Africa Proconsularis, aged seventy-five.[35] Saturia Namampilla, buried at Castellum Celtianum in Numidia, aged one hundred.[36] Lucius Saturius Optabilis, named in an inscription from Sulmo in Samnium.[37] Saturia Picena, dedicated a tomb at Fundi in Latium to her son, Minucius Rufus.[38] Gaius Saturius Picens, built a tomb at Asculum for Gaius Saturius Sic[...]us and Saturia Erhennia.[30] Lucius Saturius Picens, a centurion primus pilus, dedicated a monument at Pisae in Etruria to his son, Gaius Saturius Secundus, an accomplished young soldier.[39] Gaius Saturius Popularis, named in an inscription from Carthago Nova in Hispania Citerior.[40] Saturia Q. f. Prisca, named in an inscription from Nursia.[34] Saturius Sabinus, built a tomb at Rome for his wife, Sulpicia Mamorina.[41] Gaius Saturius Secundus, a procurator assigned to Gallia Narbonensis.[42] Gaius Saturius L. f. Secundus, son of Lucius Saturius Picens, was an eques, prefect of a cohort of soldiers, augur, and patron of the colony at Asculum. He was buried at Pisae, aged nineteen years and twenty-seven days, with a monument from his father.[39] Gaius Saturius Sic[...]us, buried at Asculum with Saturia Erhennia, with a monument from Gaius Saturius Picens.[30] Saturia Ɔ. l. Thelis, a freedwoman named in an inscription from Rome.[43] Lucius Saturius Theodotus, buried at Rome with a monument from Asinnia Philumene.[44] Lucius Saturius Theophilus, buried at Rome, in a tomb built by his brother, Publius Pactumeius Aphrodisius.[45] Saturia L. f. Victoria, buried at Furnos Minus in Africa Proconsularis, aged fourteen.[46] See also List of Roman gentes Footnotes  Called Satur in some manuscripts.  A colony at the mouth of the Truentus, now lost. References  Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. III, pp. 722, 723 ("Publius Saturius").  PIR, vol. III, p. 176.  Chase, pp. 113, 114.  New College Latin & English Dictionary, s. v. satur.  CIL I, 3315.  Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 38, 65, Pro Roscio Comoedo, 1, 6, 8.  CIL VI, 33095.  AE 1991, 679b.  CIL IX, 5240.  AE 1922, 126.  CIL IX, 5391, AE 1985, 339.  CIL IV, 7704.  AE 1911, 228, AE 1907, 187, AE 2000, 1131, AE 2000, 1132.  Pliny the Younger, Epistulae.  Suetonius, "The Life of Domitian", 17.  AE 1972, 15.  CIL VI, 8875.  CIL VI, 3751.  CIL VI, 2375.  CIL VI, 16146.  CIL III, 5285.  AE 1998, 386.  CIL III, 1879.  EE, viii. 1, 231.  CIL III, 3065.  CIL X, 1975.  CIL II, 797.  CIL IX, 5239.  CIL X, 621.  CIL IX, 5241.  CIL VIII, 10481,4.  CIL X, 1956.  CIL VI, 25906.  CIL IX, 4546.  CIL VIII, 16179.  ILAlg, ii. 1, 3197, 3198.  EE, viii. 1, 144.  CIL X, 6260.  CIL XI, 1437.  CIL II, 4975,52.  CIL VI, 27006.  AE 2004, 882.  CIL VI, 25909.  CIL VI, 25907.  CIL VI, 36031.  CIL VIII, 12054. Bibliography Marcus Tullius Cicero, Pro Cluentio, Pro Quinto Roscio Comoedo. Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny the Younger), Epistulae (Letters). Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, De Vita Caesarum (Lives of the Caesars, or The Twelve Caesars). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, William Smith, ed., Little, Brown and Company, Boston (1849). Wilhelm Henzen, Ephemeris Epigraphica: Corporis Inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementum (Journal of Inscriptions: Supplement to the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, abbreviated EE), Institute of Roman Archaeology, Rome (1872–1913). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Paul von Rohden, Elimar Klebs, & Hermann Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviated PIR), Berlin (1898). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria, abbreviated ILAlg), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Saturio – Ossia: Grice e Saturio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Saturio For the Saturii, I think we have a very strong candidate, and amusingly it is not the assassin of Domitian but the man you already rescued for us earlier:  Publius Saturius, the jurist-or-advocate whom Cicero confronts in the Pro Roscio Comoedo. [GREXv2 | Word]  The reason is simple:  partnership, ownership, stipulation, implication.  This is Grice before Grice. Grice e Saturio de Societate Hardie:  What is a partnership?  Saturius:  Whatever one partner acquires belongs to the partnership.  Cicero:  Always?  Saturius:  Of course.  Cicero:  Then why did the parties bother making a special agreement?  (Ha) That, as you noted earlier, is almost exactly a Gricean redundancy argument. If X were already contained in the meaning of the original arrangement, why was an additional stipulation required?  Potts grows excited Potts:  An implicature!  Hardie:  Not yet.  Potts:  Why not?  Hardie:  Because we are still in law.  Grice:  There is less difference than one might think.  (Ha)  The structure is strikingly Gricean: Saturius:  The legal consequence was already there.  Cicero:  Then the extra clause was pointless.  Saturius:  ...  Cicero:  Yet the extra clause exists.  Hardie:  Therefore?  Grice:  The parties evidently distinguished what was explicit from what was merely inferable.  (Ha) Verdict My first-best vignette is therefore: Grice e Publio Saturio de Implicatura Iuridica because the Roscius case revolves around precisely the sort of question Grice loved:  What follows from an agreement?   What had to be said explicitly?   What could merely be taken for granted?  The legal dispute becomes a Roman precursor of the distinction between:  what is stated,  and  what is conveyed.  (Ha) Re the first, the year before he died, in 1987, Grice wrote as per above -- apply to Cicero as Grice -- cf. also that what is implicitly conveyed is CANCELLABLE whereas what is EXPLICITLY conveyed usually is not -- thanks Grice: What is primarily at fault may well be not the suggested maxims but the concept of the layout within which they are supposed to operate. It has four possible problems. While it is perhaps not too difficult to envisage the impact upon implicature of a real or apparent undersupply of information, the impact of a real or apparent oversupply is much more problematic. I think this is exactly the direction Grice would have taken had he been reading the Pro Roscio Comoedo in the 1980s. The crucial point is that the argument you reconstructed earlier depends on a distinction between:  what follows from the original partnership arrangement; what had to be separately and explicitly stipulated.  And that is precisely where late Grice becomes relevant. Suppose Saturius says:  Whatever a partner acquires belongs to the partnership.  Then Cicero replies:  If that were already included in the arrangement, why the additional stipulation?  The force of Cicero's objection is that parties do not normally add explicit clauses unless they think something remains unsettled. (Ha) Now bring in the passage you quote from Grice. Grice worries that his original Cooperative-Principle model handles undersupply of information more easily than oversupply. In ordinary cases:  A says less than expected.  The hearer supplies an implicature. But in Cicero's legal setting we have the reverse possibility:  The parties said more than seems strictly necessary.  Why? One answer is:  because they wished to make explicit what otherwise might only have been inferable.  And here Grice's famous cancellability test becomes relevant. If an implication is merely conversationally conveyed, one can add:  "...but not in the usual sense."  or  "...though I do not mean to suggest X."  and cancel it. (Ha) By contrast, if the point is written into the stipulation itself, cancellation becomes much harder. So a Gricean Cicero might say: Cicero:  If the right already existed, the extra clause is an oversupply.  Saturius:  Perhaps the parties wished to emphasize it.  Cicero:  Then they transformed an implicature into an explicit provision.  (Ha) That is rather elegant. The argument becomes:  The partnership may have generated certain expectations. Expectations are defeasible and contestable. Therefore the parties inserted an explicit stipulation. Explicit stipulation removes uncertainty. Hence the stipulation's very existence shows that the matter was not regarded as fully settled by the original arrangement alone.  In modern Gricean language:  What is implicit is generally cancellable.   What is made explicit is ordinarily intended not to be cancellable.  So one can imagine Grice, in 1987, telling Potts: Potts:  Why did they add the clause?  Grice:  Because they mistrusted implicature.  Potts:  Lawyers?  Grice:  Lawyers are professional enemies of implicature.  (Ha) And that would fit beautifully with the passage you quote. The legal dispute is driven not by an undersupply of information but arguably by an oversupply: an additional stipulation whose very presence becomes evidence that the parties distinguished between what was merely suggested by the partnership and what they wished to place beyond dispute. (Ha)

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Saturio – Ossia: Grice e Saturio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Saturio A close second-place candidate would be:  Saturius, one of the assassins of Domitian. [GREXv2 | Word]  because assassination is the ultimate speech act: Hardie:  Was a message intended?  Grice:  Usually.  (Ha) But the evidence is too sparse.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Saturio – Ossia: Grice e Saturio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Saturio A delightful side point The nomen itself comes from:  satur = full, well-fed, abundant. [GREXv2 | Word]  So one can imagine: Speranza:  Why is he called Saturius?  Grice:  Because he is full.  Hardie:  Of what?  Grice:  In this case, legal arguments.  (Ha)

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Saturnino – Ossia: Grice e Saturnino: la ragione conversazionale del probabile. Note su Dicta. Il Gruppo di Gioco di H. P. Grice. Saturnino (Roma, Lazio): la ragione conversazionale del probabile. A comparison between Grice and S. highlights two complementary understandings of rationality grounded not in certainty but in disciplined practice under conditions of epistemic limitation. Saturninus, as a Pyrrhonian physician following Sextus Empiricus in second‑century Rome, embodies a conversational reason of the probable: rejecting claims to hidden causes or demonstrative science, he accepts that life and medicine proceed by registering observed regularities and forming expectations that are defeasible yet sufficient for action. Rationality here governs discourse and judgment by restraining assent, policing the slide from what seems likely into what one merely wishes to be true, and allowing guidance without dogma. Grice, operating in a modern analytic framework, renders this restraint explicit at the level of meaning itself: his theory of reason‑governed conversational meaning explains how speakers rationally rely on implicatures, background assumptions, and cooperative norms to arrive at what is credible rather than certain. Where Saturninus practices epoché by living from the probable without theorizing it, Grice theorizes how everyday communication already functions on analogous principles, distinguishing the believable from the desirable and the warranted from the asserted. Both figures thus converge on a shared insight: rationality is not the possession of certainty but the normative regulation of belief, inference, and discourse in situations where certainty is unavailable, ensuring that human life remains intelligible and practicable without the pretence of absolute knowledge. Seguace di Sesto Empirico, della scesi pirroniana e medico, non si ricordano sue dottrine particolari, ma si può supporre che accettasse quelle fondamentali del maestro che, negando la possibilità di una scienza razionale che pretendesse di cogliere le cause nascoste delle cose, ammette la legittimità d’arti -- prima fra esse la medicina -- che si limitano a constatare empiricamente coincidenze e successioni di fenomeni per fondare così previsioni probabili per il futuro. Diogene Laerzio dice che è soprannominato Kuthenas o Cythenas. La parola è incomprensibile, ma forse indica un’origine greca. Given that Sesto teaches at Rome, we may assume Cythenas, albeit his esoteric name, is a Roman! GRICEVS: Salvē, Saturnīnē—medice et Pyrrhōniē. Audīvī tē “probābile” semper in ore habēre, quasi nihil certius sit quam incertitūdō ipsa. SATVRNINVS: Salvē, Grice. Ita est: Sextus docuit nos causas occultās nōn capere; sed vitam agere oportet. Itaque sequimur quod probābile est—id quod ars medica, non metaphysica, postulat. GRICEVS: Bene; sed ego, ut verum fatear, malim interdum crēdibile quam probābile—et certe quam dēsīrābile. Nam quod dēsīrō, id saepe nimis facile “probābile” mihi vidētur; quod autem crēdibile est, etiam sine votō stat. SATVRNINVS: O inplicātūram sapiēntem, Grice—fiant tibi tua dēsīderia! Nam intellegō: tu monēs nē “probābile” in “dēsīrābile” labātur. Si voluntās iudicem corrumpit, medicus iam non curat sed optat; at “crēdibile” (ut ais) est quasi medium: lucet satis ad iter, nec tamen se pro sole venditat. Saturnino (a. u. c. CM). Dicta. Roma.

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Saturninio – Ossia: Grice e Saturninio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Saturninio The gens Saturninia was an obscure plebeian family of ancient Rome. Few members of this gens are mentioned by Roman writers, but several are known from inscriptions. The most illustrious of the Saturninii was Saturninius Secundinus, governor of various provinces and praetorian prefect under the emperors of the mid-fourth century.  Origin The nomen Saturninius belongs to a large class of gentilicia formed from existing names ending in -inus using the suffix -inius.[1] It is formed from the surname Saturninus, a cognomen of very frequent occurrence, from which it must be carefully distinguished; the genitive of each may be written Saturnini. Saturninus is derived from Saturnus, the name of the god.[2]  Members This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation. Lucius Saturninius, named in an inscription from Rome, dating from 20 BC.[3] Gaius Saturninius Maternus, made an offering to the local goddesses at the site of modern Burgel, formerly part of Germania Inferior, dating between the second half of the first century, and the end of the second.[4] Marcus Saturninius, named along with Spurius Saturninius in a bronze inscription from Pompeii in Campania.[5] Spurius Saturninius, named along with Marcus Saturninius in a bronze inscription from Pompeii.[5] Saturninia, dedicated a second-century tomb at Treveri in Gallia Belgica for her son, Andecarius Augustus.[6] Marcus Saturninius Lupulus, one of the Seviri Augustales, made a second- or third-century offering to the goddess Nehalennia at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium in Germania Inferior.[7] Lucius Saturninius Victor, made a second- or third-century offering to the local goddesses at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium.[8] Publius Saturninus P. f., made an offering to Guddul at Hadrumetum in Africa Proconsularis, dating from the latter half of the second century.[9] Saturninius Privatus, buried at Burdigala in Gallia Aquitania, aged thirty-seven, in a tomb dedicated by his wife, Julia Epomima, dating between the latter half of the second century and the early part of the third.[10] Gaius Saturninius Candidus, one of several Roman citizens living near Carnuntum in Pannonia Superior in AD 159, named in an inscription paying tribute to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the emperor Antoninus Pius, and his heir, Marcus Aurelius.[11] Saturninius Verinus, along with his wife, Aurelia Secundina, dedicated a family sepulchre dating from the late second or early third century, at the site of modern Stallhofen, formerly part of Noricum, for themselves and their son, Aurelius.[12] Saturninia Atturita, buried at Burdigala, aged forty-one, in a tomb dating from the first half of the third century.[13] Titus Saturninius Aurelius, together with his wife, Junia Lucilla, and several others, made a donation to the college of haruspices at Mogontiacum in Germania Superior, dating from the first half of the third century.[14] Saturninia, the wife of Gaius Sentius Natalis, signifer of the Legio II Adiutrix, with whom she made an offering to the imperial cult at Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior in AD 219.[15] Saturninius Secundus, also known as Salutius, was a senator who served as praeses, or governor of Aquitania, proconsul of Africa, and praetorian prefect, for which the emperors Valentinian and Valens dedicated a gilded statue in his honour, dating between AD 365 and 367. He authored a late work on the Greek gods.[16] Undated Saturnini Lucius Saturninius, named along with Marcus Saturninius in a pottery inscription from Brundisium in Calabria.[17] Marcus Saturninius, named along with Lucius Saturninius in a pottery inscription from Brundisium.[17] Publius Saturninius, named in a bronze inscription from Neapolis in Campania.[18] Titus Saturninius, named in an inscription from Gemellae in Numidia.[19] Saturninia Secunda, buried at Thabarbusis in Africa Proconsularis, modern Ain Nechma in Algeria. Her age is partially preserved as [...XX] years, possibly thirty or seventy.[20] Gaius Saturninius Viriaucus, made an offering to Mercury Excingiorigiatis and Rosmerta at the site of modern Ueß, formerly part of Germania Superior.[21] See also List of Roman gentes References  Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", pp. 125, 126.  Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", p. 114.  CIL XV, 4559.  AE 2014, 913.  CIL X, 8058,83.  AE 2014, 892.  CIL XIII, 8499.  Finke, "Neue Inschriften", 282.  AE 2018, 1092.  CIL XIII, 615.  AEA, 1982–19.  CIL III, 5410.  CIL XIII, 837.  CIL XIII, 6765.  AE 1965, 49.  CIL III, 247, CIL VI, 1764.  AE 1992, 295.  CIL X, 8059,297.  CIL VIII, 17978,42.  ILAlg, i. 494.  AE 1935, 29. Bibliography Annona Epigraphica Austriaca (Epigraphy of Austria Annual, abbreviated AEA) (1979–present). René Cagnat et alii, L'Année épigraphique (The Year in Epigraphy, abbreviated AE), Presses Universitaires de France (1888–present). George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897). Hermann Finke, "Neue Inschriften", in Berichte der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, vol. xvii, pp. 1–107, 198–231 (1927). Stéphane Gsell, Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria, abbreviated ILAlg), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present). Theodor Mommsen et alii, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (The Body of Latin Inscriptions, abbreviated CIL), Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (1853–present). Category: Roman gentes And from THIS gens? Thanks

 

Speranza, J. L. (n. d.). ‘H. P. Grice e J. L. Speranza: La Conversazione – I Verbali: Saturninio – Ossia: Grice e Saturninio -- Grex griceiana – verbalia: Saturninio For the Saturninii, I think there is a clear winner: Grice e Saturninio Secundino de Diis namely:  Saturninius Secundus, also known as Salutius, who served as governor, proconsul, and praetorian prefect, and who is said to have authored a work on the Greek gods. [GREXv2 | Word]  Why him? Because he immediately places us in the territory of:  names of gods, religious language, mythological reference, belief and interpretation.  And those are topics Grice repeatedly brushed against whenever discussing meaning, reference, and what speakers are doing when they utter proper names.  Grice e Salutio Speranza:  What is Jupiter?  Grice:  A god.  Hardie:  That is theology.  Grice:  Very well. A proper name.  Hardie:  Better.  (Ha)  The late-antique Salutius is particularly attractive because a treatise on the gods inevitably asks:  What do myths mean?  That is almost an Oxford examination question.  The Gricean Problem Speranza:  If one says: "Saturn devoured his children," what is being asserted?  Grice:  Ah.  Hardie:  Literally?  Grice:  One answer.  Hardie:  Allegorically?  Grice:  Another.  (Ha) The moment one writes "on the Greek gods", one is already confronting multiple levels of meaning.  A Beautiful Contrast Most of the Saturninii in your list leave:  dedications, tombs, offerings.  For example various Saturninii dedicate offerings to local deities or family monuments. [GREXv2 | Word] But Saturninius Secundus leaves not merely an inscription but a work about the gods themselves. [GREXv2 | Word] That takes us from:  worship  to  interpretation.  And interpretation is Grice's natural habitat. (Ha)  Hardie's Tutorial Hardie:  What are myths?  Grice:  Communicative acts.  Hardie:  By whom?  Grice:  Entire civilizations.  Hardie:  Dangerous answer.  Grice:  I thought so too.  (Ha)  Verdict My first choice is therefore: Grice e Saturninio Secundino de Dis Immortalibus because a writer on the gods naturally raises questions about:  literal and non-literal meaning, proper names, allegory, interpretation, speaker intention.  All roads lead directly toward Gricean concerns. Speranza:  What did Saturninius write about?  Grice:  The gods.  Hardie:  And what is interesting about that?  Grice:  Determining what one means when one speaks of them.  (Ha) [GREXv2 | Word]