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Tuesday, April 2, 2024

GRICE E LAMANNA: L'IMPLICATURA CONVERSAZIONALE DEL RISORGIMENTO FIORENTINO -- FILOSOFIA ITALIANA -- LUIGI SPERANZA

 

Grice e Lamanna: l'implicatura conversazionale del risorgimento fiorentino – filosofia italiana – Luigi Speranza (Matera). Filosofo italiano.  Grice: “I like Lamanna – a very systematic philosopher especially interested in the longitudinal history of philosophy – he wrote on economics during controversial times, too!” Linceo. Figlio di Angelo Raffaele Lamanna, calzolaio, e da Maria Bruna Pizzilli, filandaia. Fece i primi studi in seminario e poi nel Liceo classico della sua città. Si trasferì a Firenze, laureandosi con Sarlo. Insegna a Messina e Firenze. Pubblicò un commento alla Dottrina. Autore di un fortunato manuale di storia della filosofia. Membro dell'Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Diresse la "Collana di Filosofia" delle Edizioni Morano di Napoli. Stabilito, per Lamanna, che la religiosità sia un'esigenza naturale dello spirito umano, egli rileva le contraddizioni percepite dalla coscienza fra l'”essere” (“is”) e il dover essere (“ought”) -- fra l'esigenza di una realtà concepita come razionalità e ordine, e la percezione di una realtà che appare irrazionale e disordinata, così come fra la concezione dell'assolutezza dello spirito e la concreta limitatezza della realtà umana. Da queste contraddizioni deduce la necessità dell'esistenza di Dio.  Analoga antinomia gli sembra esistere tra morale e politica che a suo avviso può essere risolta trasportando nell'attività pratica la riconosciuta razionalità dell'ordine trascendente e divino, che è di per sé bene assoluto. In questo modo l'operare umano si fa etico ossia, secondo Lamanna, realmente politico, realizzandosi concretamente nell'ordinamento giuridico e, così come nell'operare razionale si concreta la vita morale, da questa si raggiunge l'armonia in cui consiste la bellezza. Saggi: “Lo spirito – l’ispirante” (Firenze), Kant, Milano, “La polizia di Platone e gl’uomini”, Milano, “Filosofi italici d’eta antica” (Firenze); La filosofia del Novecento, Firenze); “Il bene per il bene” (Firenze); “Il regno di fini” (Firenze); Scritti storici e pensieri sulla storia, Padova); P. Piovani (Torino); Pietro Piovani, Tra etica e storia, Napoli); Martano, L'esperienza speculative, in «Filosofia», G. Calò, Il pensiero, Napoli, G. Calò, Studi e testimonianze, Matera, Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, Istituto dell'Enciclopedia italiana Treccani. Grice: “Lamanna was concerned about the idea of the state, which is not an easy thing. More specifically, the concept of the ITALIAN state. In his history of philosophy for ‘i licei classici’, he rewrote his Manuale di filosofia into a ‘Sommario’. – The history goes smoothly up to Kant. The third volume is about MUSSOLINI. He is the only philosopher he cares to capitalize. He also capitalizes fascism into FASCISMO, which is odd seeing that his main source is Mussolini’s own entry for ‘fascismo’ in the Treccani which does not give it such a status. The third volume is ITALO-CENTRIC, from Vico onwards, Farlingieri, and notably Gentile to end with MUSSOLINI. The idea is presented by Lamanna as a ‘riconstruzione dello stato’ – we are talking of the ‘stato moderno’ – il stato liberale Borghese is in ruins – and although he plays with the ‘socialist state’ he does not consider it within the realm of the proper history of philosophy when he talks of French illuminism. So his concern is wht the idea of the state in the liberal party – the philosophy of the laissez faire. It provides NEGATIVE freedom. Freedom from the other. And there is competition. Also as he notes, liberalism lies in that the ‘condizioni iniziali’ are hardly ‘equal’ for every member of society, so that liberalism only pays lip service to liberale. With the socialist state, the problem is the opposite: the state becomes a gestore – and there is this idea of an endless dialectic among the classes. So how does Mussolini reconstruct all this. He calls it ‘stato fascista’ – Had Lamanna continued from Kant to Fichte and Hegel, the student would be more prepared! Mussolini’s idea of the state is Hegel’s – it is the NAZIONE-STATO. While Mussolini speaks of the ‘individui’ of this nazione, he means the Italians (not the Jews, etc.). SO this NAZIONE however, is MORE than the sum of its individui. Individui come and go – but the state remains. The state becomes governo. Mussolini’s prose is machist and homosocial, and Lamanna has to lower down the rhetoric, but nothing is said about Germany. It is ITALY which is seen as proposing this new or novel idea of the state (after la rivoluzione fascista of 1923) with a Kantian approach. Since Lamanna has only read Kant seriously, he applies Kantian categories here: Mussolini’s fascist state gives each individual POSITIVE freedom – to be a slave to the CAPO or Duce who ‘knows’ how to command. Lamanna quotes from Cicero to the effect that it is obeying the law that makes us free. The emphasis is constantly on th azione or prassi, which is understandable since the pupils are supposed to learn about philosophy. So where is the dotttina? Mussolini is candid about this. When ‘I all started it’ I did not know where I was going. It was the ANTI-PARTY movement --. Lamanna provides the editorial. During the ventennio, this action, which is the INSTINCTIVE FORCE OF THE SPIRIT OF THE NATION, becomes legalistic, a party is formed, and indeed a government (polizia, politeia) established. But Mussolini accepts castes in society. Even the religion, a civil religion, is subdued and one can very well be allowed to worthip the God of the Heroes.It is an ‘etica guerriera’ and it targets the giuventu – the youth or male youth --. Being commanded by one know knows is a privilege. Ths is interesting because this was conceived after the temporary successes in Africa – Mussolini romano e africano – and before the problems of the second world war. For the first time, Italians FEEL they are part of a NATION. The seeds were in the Risorgimento, but this got stuck with a liberal kind of state, which only provided negative freedom, and where the initial conditions were unequal. Lo stato fascista does not play with parlamentarism, so the Congress is closed, and the only party is the national party. Jews are excluded from PUBLIC service (even if some wrote panegirici for fascism, like Mondolfo). The philosophical foundations are found in Hegel. If Hegel concentrated all in the Kaiser of Prussia, Mussolini does so with himself. Gentile did not really help, although he was the official voice of fascist philosophy --. The student of philosophy then was taught the lessons of history (philosophy was IDENTIFIED with its history) and indoctrinated in the final stages into a particular IDEOLOGY. The tone is catechistic, and there is no idea of dissent. Lamanna however emphasizes that the stato fascista still recognizes the indidivuality and the personality of each member – as the stato comunista or socialista would not!” Eustachio Paolo Lamanna. E[ustachio] P. Lamanna. E. Paolo Lamanna. E. P. Lamanna. Lamanna. Keywords: il risorgimento fiorentino. Refs.: Luigi Speranza, “Grice e Lamanna” – The Swimming-Pool Library.

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